udāna: la palabra de budaby carmen dragonetti

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Udāna: la palabra de Buda by Carmen Dragonetti Review by: Luis O. Gómez Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 97, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1977), pp. 98-100 Published by: American Oriental Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/600307 . Accessed: 09/06/2014 19:30 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . American Oriental Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the American Oriental Society. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 62.122.72.16 on Mon, 9 Jun 2014 19:30:55 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

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Udāna: la palabra de Buda by Carmen DragonettiReview by: Luis O. GómezJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 97, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1977), pp. 98-100Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/600307 .

Accessed: 09/06/2014 19:30

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

American Oriental Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal ofthe American Oriental Society.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 62.122.72.16 on Mon, 9 Jun 2014 19:30:55 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Journal of the American Oriental Society 97.1 (1977)

Udana: la palabra de Buda. Translated from the Pali with an introduction and notes by CARMEN DRAGO- NETTI. Pp. 262. Barcelona: BARRAL EDITORES. 1971; second edition. 1972.

This book has seen two editions in the popular "Breve Biblioteca de Respuesta" published by Barral. The schol-

arly apparatus is less voluminous than in the author's

previous Camino del Dharma, and the introduction is

evidently written with the layman in view. The trans- lation is nevertheless rigorous and mostly accurate. To boot, it has improved upon Woodward (Minor Anthologies, Part II, (SBB, VIII), London: G. Cumberlege, 1948) in certain key passages. However, the reviewer would like to caution the reader regarding a few points of trans- lation and annotation which he would like to see carefully reconsidered by the translator.

Firstly, the conciseness of the introduction clearly has forced Dragonetti to forget important questions of detail that should not have been ommitted. Why, for instance, should anyone who has written such a careful survey of Western scholarship on the authenticity and historical

reliability of the Theravada tradition (in her previous book) should assert, p. 9, without qualifications, that the Pali Canon was compiled at the Councils of Raja- gaha, Pataliputra and Ceylon (sic)? Such an assertion is particularly surprising because it is followed im-

mediately by the definition of "Canon" as the Tipitaka in the form known today. Further on, p. 11, we are told that the Udana is the source of "extensive historical

information," in fact, it is called a "source of the first order." There are certainly many interesting bits of information to be gathered from this text, but the unwary reader could very well be misled by describing the book in such terms. However, Dragonetti's summary of the historical bits and pieces is quite complete and careful.

Though she tends to accept all accounts as true to fact.

Thus, passages like Udana VI.4, II.4 or IV.8, where the Buddhists could very well have been exercising their

ability at slander and calumny, are taken at face value as descriptions of the life of the samanas.

Dragonetti follows her historical considerations with a summary and interpretation of the doctrines contained in the Udana. This section is very ably done. However, the final passage on yoga and Buddhism, which seems to contain some budding ideas of interest, is nevertheless obscure and a bit confusing. The reader will wonder, for instance, what is meant by the assertion to the effect that the Buddhist nirvana is the "total and absolute annihilation of the individual" yet is "a leap toward transcendence." (pp. 27-28) No clear explanation is offered. Nor is there any attemnpt to bring in the idea of anatta as a possible clarification of what could be

meant by "annihilation." The passage is further obscured

by the addition of a few lines in which the author hints at equivalences between nirvana, Brahman, and isnyata, without elaborating on such a crucial, and certainly con- troversial point.

As stated above, the translation itself is very well done. Considering that this is the first direct rendering from the Pali into Spanish, perhaps we should not be too fastidious. But it would probably be worthwhile to list a few renderings which a careful reader might find

questionable. In the translation of the classical paticcasamuppdda

I would rather retain the literal meaning of tanha and save the equivalent "deseo" (desire) for some uses of kama. Some of the most important nuances of tanhd are lost when it is not rendered "sed" (thirst). Dragonetti's rendering of domanassa ("desagrado") is a bit weak, specially if we remember that this term also describes the state of mind into which the young Gotama sank after seeing the first three of the Four Sights. On the other hand, her translation "inquietud" for upayasa is most apt.

In p. 58 we find that parinibbuto is explained as reaching "el nirvana supremo," an explanation which is of course

apposite in this passage, but inaccurate as a clarification of the general value of the term. This slip is further

aggravated by a note asserting that to enter "supreme nirvana or parinirvana" is to die while in a state of trance I In the same passage (p. 59) monena is unexplainably rendered "por su sabiduria," and muni is construed to mean "sabio." Dragonetti evidently follows the etymology of Pischel here in taking the two words to be derived from IE mn- (Pali munati). But the circumstances of Bahiya's awakening and nirvana would suggest that (if the udIna is to be at all connected with the prose section) the usual

meaning of 'silence' may be the most appropriate one for monena. This is of course purely a matter of personal judgment, but I would have welcomed a note on the

problem. In Udana II.1 (p. 64) "desapego" is hardly satisfactory

for viveka. Likewise, "bondad de coraz6n, la moderaci6n

para con todos los seres vivientes" hardly does justice to the ascetic overtones of "avyapajjham ... panabhu- tesu samyamo." And "egotismo" simply leaves to much out from "asmimana" to be used without some amount of annotation.

In p. 69 (Udana 11.4) upadhi is translated "apego" without any discussion of this difficult term and the

similar, but distinct upadi. Yet, Dragonetti's "Es debido al apego que los contactos afectan" seems much more

appropriate and transparent than Woodwards' "Contacts assail because of body-base."

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Reviews of Books

At Udana 11.5 also Dragonetti improves upon Wood- ward. The latter seems to have given too much impor- tance to the expression vata in the stanza which reads:

sukham vata tassa na hoti kifici safikhatadhammassa bahussutassa, sakiiicanam passa vihafnfiamanam, jano janamhi patibandharipo /f

Thus, he translated: "One who hath mastered dhamma, one much learned, Hath no such thought as: Ah! 'tis well with me I Look you I how tortured he that hath

possessions One to another human folk are bound." The stanza's unity is saved by translating, with Dragonet- ti, "La felicidad es de aquel que no tiene nada" (reading yassa for tassa). This reading is confirmed by the udana at 11.6, where we find the last two lines of the above, preceded by the lines: "sukhino vata ye akincana, ve-

daguno hi jana akificana." The locus classicus on bhava-vibhava in Udana III.10

(quoted by Candrakirti in his commentary to Madhya- maka-sastra XXV.10). could have been a good place to

bring up the question of the meaning of Buddhist "ex- tinction" (if that is the true meaning of the word nirvanCa). But Dragonetti avoids the issue by rendering vibhava with "cesaci6n de la vida," instead of bringing out the

paradoxical nature of the passage by translating "cesaci6n de la existencia," parallel to bhava, "exixtencia." A similar weakening of the force of paradox takes place at Uddna VI.2 (p. 185) where "tulam atulam" is rendered, in accordance with the Commentary, "la existencia fisica

y la psiquica." Granted that the two terms may very well refer respectively to ruipa and aripa, but much of the poetical force of the passage is lost by avoiding the literal meaning ("measure and un-measure," "the meas- urable and the unmeasurable"). Besides, the difference goes well beyond the simple sphere of connotation, for the unmeasurable clearly includes more than the im- material.

At VI.6 where the (later to be) technical term ahaAikdra is explained as "aharp karomi ti," Dragonetti, like Wood- ward, fails to grasp the idiomatic value of ". . .ti na tassa hoti." The phrase does not mean "' ..' does not exist for him," but rather, "this never occurs to him," "it does not arise in his mind." In the same passage, in the expression "etam ca sallar patigacca passato," pati- gacca is, again, probably idiomatic for "in advance" (as rendered by Edgerton in his Dictionary, s.v., pratikr- tya), and not "cautiously" as translated by Dragonetti. At any rate, a note was in order here.

In the section on the dwarf Bhaddiya, we would like to take exception to the rendering "se liber6 definitiva- mente de sus impurezas," which stands for "anupadaya asavehi... vimucci." A note (n. 1, p. 209) explains that "definitivamente" follows the Commentary, but

I fail to see how this could be true, except by a very superficial rendering of the commentator's "anavasesa- to." This is the type of technical terminology that always needs some form of annotation if we want to avoid short-

changing the layman reader. Likewise, "impureza" for asava is quite misleading. I cannot see how the average Spanish speaking reader would imagine that "impureza" means something like kama, bhava, avijji, and ditthi. Other occurrences of the word (at 1.6, III.2, IV.9) are

equally left without explanatory notes. At VII.4 although I disagree with her rendering of

kama (placer) and tanha (deseo), I find Dragonetti's version of the last lines of the udana are quite forceful, almost successful poetry: " . . . capturados por el Amigo de los Desidiosos como peces en la red del pescador, van tras la vejez y la muerte como un ternero mam6n va tras de su madre." Likewise, the following two udiinas (VII.5 and 6) make for good Spanish reading in Dragonet- ti's version.

On the other hand, I must take issue over the way the fourth samapatti is construed (VIII.1, p. 227) as "el do- minio del conocimiento y del no-conocimiento." I would very much like to see a generous note here explaining Dragonetti's reasons for this particular choice of words. Her translation is slightly better than Woodwards "con- sciousness" for saiiii. But this term is too important to be treated so casually. Also, in this passage we see once more the paradoxical nature of the Buddhist goal, brought out so beautifully in Gotama's succint instructions to Bahiya Daruciriya (I.10). Dragonetti does point out in a note that this passage (VIII.1, p. 227) shows that nirviana is outside the sphere of the stages of trance, but I am sure her readers would have liked to have her thoughts on the connections between the specific stages and the meaning of this paradoxical nevasaniiinasaina- yatanam. Knowing of her interest in yoga-techniques, I am sure she does have something to say in this regard.

I also expected some new light on the difficult anattal anata of VIII.2. But Dragonetti is content with giving us nirvuana as a fit rendering (Woodward: "the infinite," less acceptable). I would also question the appropri- ateness of "para el que ve nada existe" for "passato n'atthi kificanam" in the same stanza. On this difficult use of kincana, one should compare Udana 11.5, 6 and VII.10. These are all cases of negatio privativa and may perhaps offer a clue on the meaning of the preceding anatta. One should also consider Woodward's rendering of VIII.2: "for him who seeth naught remains." This wording no doubt reflects better the more common value of the expression "n'atthi kificana" when governed by a genitive, that is, "not to have anything." The reader should be made aware of these difficulties and the reasons for the translator preferring one possibility over the other.

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Journal of the American Oriental Society 97.1 (1977) Journal of the American Oriental Society 97.1 (1977)

Particularly when the translator has chosen a different

rendering for exactly the same expression only a few pages before; as Dragonetti does when she offers "Este mundo... para el que ve no es nada" for "loko ... pas- sato n'atthi kificana" at VII.10. The two Spanish ex- pressions "no es nada" and "nada existe" are not at all equivalent. One could be construed as a case of nihil privativum, the other of nihil negatiuum.

The above remarks, of course, do not deter from the value of Dragonetti's second major work. There is room for intelligent disagreement on many of these points, if not all. Besides, there can be no doubt that this book will constitute a worthy model for future publications in Buddhist Studies in the Spanish speaking world. We only hope that Barral will eventually follow through with their interest in this type of publication by acquiring the appropriate diacritical marks. The excellent quality of their printing would be greatly enhanced by making this one simple concession to scholarly fastidiousness.

LuIS 0. G6MEZ

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

The Romantic Generation of Modern Chinese Writers.

By LEG OU-FAN LEE. Pp. xiv + 365. Cambridge, Massachusetts: HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS. 1973. No Price.

The Romantic tendency of modern Chinese literature, especially in the 1920's, is quite obvious to many scholars, but until Professor Lee undertook to consider it from a historian's point of view few scholars had subjected the problem to serious study. The problem is both a literary and a historical one. It is duly a problem in intellectual history, one is tempted to admit, now that he has read the book under review.

Professor Lee's book is divided into four parts. Part One establishes "the setting" in which the so-called journalist-litterateurs and promoters of little magazines are described as the modern Chinese wen-jen in the making of an embattled wen-t'an. The phenomena are exposed by delineating the social changes which prepared for the emergence of Lin Shu and Su Man-shu, two gigantic sentimentalists. Lin introduced through his translations the sensualism of La Dame aux Camelias, the filial ethics embodied in Dickens' Dombey and Son and other novels, and the heroism of H. Rider Haggard, among other themes which Professor Lee apparently finds unfit to mention because of their independence from "romanticism" Lin is also fondly criticized for his anachronism in simul- taneously attempting to sustain the Confucian system of social and ethical values, and committing himself to the excessive expression of emotion and being susceptible

Particularly when the translator has chosen a different

rendering for exactly the same expression only a few pages before; as Dragonetti does when she offers "Este mundo... para el que ve no es nada" for "loko ... pas- sato n'atthi kificana" at VII.10. The two Spanish ex- pressions "no es nada" and "nada existe" are not at all equivalent. One could be construed as a case of nihil privativum, the other of nihil negatiuum.

The above remarks, of course, do not deter from the value of Dragonetti's second major work. There is room for intelligent disagreement on many of these points, if not all. Besides, there can be no doubt that this book will constitute a worthy model for future publications in Buddhist Studies in the Spanish speaking world. We only hope that Barral will eventually follow through with their interest in this type of publication by acquiring the appropriate diacritical marks. The excellent quality of their printing would be greatly enhanced by making this one simple concession to scholarly fastidiousness.

LuIS 0. G6MEZ

UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

The Romantic Generation of Modern Chinese Writers.

By LEG OU-FAN LEE. Pp. xiv + 365. Cambridge, Massachusetts: HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS. 1973. No Price.

The Romantic tendency of modern Chinese literature, especially in the 1920's, is quite obvious to many scholars, but until Professor Lee undertook to consider it from a historian's point of view few scholars had subjected the problem to serious study. The problem is both a literary and a historical one. It is duly a problem in intellectual history, one is tempted to admit, now that he has read the book under review.

Professor Lee's book is divided into four parts. Part One establishes "the setting" in which the so-called journalist-litterateurs and promoters of little magazines are described as the modern Chinese wen-jen in the making of an embattled wen-t'an. The phenomena are exposed by delineating the social changes which prepared for the emergence of Lin Shu and Su Man-shu, two gigantic sentimentalists. Lin introduced through his translations the sensualism of La Dame aux Camelias, the filial ethics embodied in Dickens' Dombey and Son and other novels, and the heroism of H. Rider Haggard, among other themes which Professor Lee apparently finds unfit to mention because of their independence from "romanticism" Lin is also fondly criticized for his anachronism in simul- taneously attempting to sustain the Confucian system of social and ethical values, and committing himself to the excessive expression of emotion and being susceptible

to a sort of brigandish heroism. Su, the self-styled man of incongruity, responded to romantic poetry (or more accurately, romantic poets) with a certain mannerism which, as Professor Lee points out, was "highly emotional rather than intellectual." He was the first to introduce Byron into China. In his idiosyncratic configuration of a Byronic Chinese, however, he confirmed the Wertherian consequences of the English romantic rebellion to society but did not manifest the Promethean meaning of such rebellion, which was the primary charm of Byron to his European admirers. In fact, Su should be held responsible for giving the impression to the Chinese that Byron was rather a poet of magnificent anthology pieces only, than a poet of sensitive feeling and sharp perception evident in sweeping, far-reaching poetry of formidable length.

Part Two concerns Yii Ta-fu and Hsii Chih-mo, two "protagonists" according to Professor Lee. Eriksonian psychology is adopted in passing to portray the master decadent of modern Chinese literature, Yii Ta-fu: "Sex, racism, and even nationalism are all interwined in his psyche as in his stories." Professor Lee presents a type of the early Chinese students studying abroad, especially in Japan. The Japanese woman symbolized sex alto- gether in Yii's adventure; she also through humiliation pointed out for him the horror of racism which eventually led him toward the assumption of a nationalism. The initiated returned student found wine inseparable from a literary career, and more so that burning desire for love. Wang Ying-hsia, an object of his uncertain quest of love, was the solution to the madness, if only briefly. As the quest continued, love changed into the ceaseless exhibition of sexual desire. Yii Ta-fu was one of those tiring modern Chinese writers who, different from Lu Hsiin, "chose to write in order to exorcise, to drive his inner demons by exposing them to his imaginary audience." Professor Lee remarks, "Confession was his catharsis." In contrast with Yii's Japan, Hsu Chih-mo's England provided him with an august spirit to become a gentle- manly romantic poet. Through Worcester, Massachusetts and New York City, Hsii "finally discovered Cambridge" and himself. Professor Lee writes with a sure historian's touch: "A poet was born." An analogy in another area of Professor Lee's concern is as follows: through Chang Yu-i and Lin Hui-yin, Hsii finally discovered Lu Hsiao- man and himself; a lover was born. As the poet turned out to be poetry to his admirers in the 1920's, the lover turned out to be "in love with love itself." Poetry elevated Hsii to attain the tentative figure of love, that "May;" and "May" (whose responsibility for her husband to take up teaching duties in the South Professor Lee may have wanted to elaborate on p. 147 and p. 173) literally sent the poet to fly even higher until the aeroplane crashed, to die "a truly Icarian death." There is doubtless much

to a sort of brigandish heroism. Su, the self-styled man of incongruity, responded to romantic poetry (or more accurately, romantic poets) with a certain mannerism which, as Professor Lee points out, was "highly emotional rather than intellectual." He was the first to introduce Byron into China. In his idiosyncratic configuration of a Byronic Chinese, however, he confirmed the Wertherian consequences of the English romantic rebellion to society but did not manifest the Promethean meaning of such rebellion, which was the primary charm of Byron to his European admirers. In fact, Su should be held responsible for giving the impression to the Chinese that Byron was rather a poet of magnificent anthology pieces only, than a poet of sensitive feeling and sharp perception evident in sweeping, far-reaching poetry of formidable length.

Part Two concerns Yii Ta-fu and Hsii Chih-mo, two "protagonists" according to Professor Lee. Eriksonian psychology is adopted in passing to portray the master decadent of modern Chinese literature, Yii Ta-fu: "Sex, racism, and even nationalism are all interwined in his psyche as in his stories." Professor Lee presents a type of the early Chinese students studying abroad, especially in Japan. The Japanese woman symbolized sex alto- gether in Yii's adventure; she also through humiliation pointed out for him the horror of racism which eventually led him toward the assumption of a nationalism. The initiated returned student found wine inseparable from a literary career, and more so that burning desire for love. Wang Ying-hsia, an object of his uncertain quest of love, was the solution to the madness, if only briefly. As the quest continued, love changed into the ceaseless exhibition of sexual desire. Yii Ta-fu was one of those tiring modern Chinese writers who, different from Lu Hsiin, "chose to write in order to exorcise, to drive his inner demons by exposing them to his imaginary audience." Professor Lee remarks, "Confession was his catharsis." In contrast with Yii's Japan, Hsu Chih-mo's England provided him with an august spirit to become a gentle- manly romantic poet. Through Worcester, Massachusetts and New York City, Hsii "finally discovered Cambridge" and himself. Professor Lee writes with a sure historian's touch: "A poet was born." An analogy in another area of Professor Lee's concern is as follows: through Chang Yu-i and Lin Hui-yin, Hsii finally discovered Lu Hsiao- man and himself; a lover was born. As the poet turned out to be poetry to his admirers in the 1920's, the lover turned out to be "in love with love itself." Poetry elevated Hsii to attain the tentative figure of love, that "May;" and "May" (whose responsibility for her husband to take up teaching duties in the South Professor Lee may have wanted to elaborate on p. 147 and p. 173) literally sent the poet to fly even higher until the aeroplane crashed, to die "a truly Icarian death." There is doubtless much

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