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चिदबरम की चिरफतारी

आईएनएकस मीडिया मामल म सीबीआई की विशष अदालत न पिव कदीय मती पी. विदबरम को पाि वदन की ररमाड पर भज वदया ह। इसस पहल वदलली हाई कोरट न उनकी अवरिम जमानत याविका खाररज कर दी थी और सपीम कोरट न ततकाल उनह राहत दन स इनकार कर वदया था। सीबीआई न मीवडया कपनी आईएनएकस मीवडया क वखलाफ 15 मई, 2017 को एक एफआईआर दजव की थी।

आरोप ह वक इस मीवडया रिप को 305 करोड रपय का विदशी फड वदलान क वलए फॉरन इनिसरमर पमोशन बोडट (एफआईपीबी) की मजरी पवरिया म अवनयवमतताए बरती गई। साल 2007 म जब कपनी को वनिश की सिीकवत दी गई थी तब विदबरम वितत मती हआ करत थ। उनकी ओर जाि एजवसयो की नजर आईएनएकस मीवडया क पमोररो इदाणी मखजजी और पीरर मखजजी स ईडी की पछताछ क बाद घमी। ईडी न इस

सबध म 2018 म मनी लावरिग का एक मामला भी दजव वकया था। उसक आरोपपत क मतावबक इदाणी मखजजी न जाि अवधकाररयो को बताया वक विदबरम न एफआईपीबी मजरी क बदल अपन बर कावतव विदबरम को विदशी पजी क मामल म मदद करन को कहा था। विदबरम और उनक बर क वखलाफ जाि शर होन क साथ ही मामल को राजनीवतक रग वदया जान लगा। तब स अब तक कारिस खलकर विदबरम क साथ खडी ह और सरकार पर राजनीवतक बदल की भािना स काम करन का आरोप लगा रही ह। पारजी क अलािा कछ और लोगो का भी जाि पवरिया को लकर एक ऐतराज यह रहा ह वक कस 10 साल बाद 2017 म रवजसरर वकया गया। कस का आधार उस मवहला का बयान ह, जो अपनी बरी की हतया क आरोप म जल म बद ह और उसक वखलाफ मकदमा िल रहा ह। सीबीआई अभी तक इस मामल म िाजवशीर भी फाइल नही कर सकी ह। अदालत म यह आठ महीन लरका रहा। हालावक विदबरम को अरसर तभी वकया गया जब हाई कोरट न काफी कडी वरपपणी क साथ उनकी जमानत याविका खाररज कर दी। अदालत का कहना ह वक विदबरम को किल इस आधार पर वगरफतारी स छर नही दी जा सकती वक ि ससद सदसय ह। कोरट न यह सकत भी वदया वक मामल की मकममल जाि क वलए विदबरम को वहरासत म लकर पछताछ करना पहली नजर म जररी लगता ह। कोरट का सदश सपषर ह वक कानन की नजर म सभी बराबर ह। वकसी वयककत की हवसयत क कारण उस जाि-पडताल और नयावयक पवरिया म कोई छर नही वमलनी िावहए। लवकन उसकी इस वरपपणी म ही यह बात भी वनवहत ह वक वकसी वयककत को वसफफ उसक पद या पहिान क वलए अनािशयक परशानी नही झलनी िावहए। उममीद ह वक विदबरम क मामल म सब कछ पारदशजी रहगा। कानन सहज ढिग स अपना काम करगा और जलद ही दध का दध, पानी का पानी हो जाएगा।

कानन की कसौटी पर

अभी-अभी िह बाररश म भीगती हई दरिाज स अदर आकर खद को सखान क वलए बठ गई। मन उस धयान स दखा। पछा -'कौन हो तम? य वबना इजाजत

अदर कस आ गई ?' हरानी स उसन मरी

ओर दखा और शरमाकर कहा - ‘मझ भल गए! पहिानो तो जरा।’ मन तमाम यादो की तमाम अलमाररया खगाल डाली। यादो क सब ताको-आलो म भी ढिढ वलया पर िह कही न वमली। सारी वकताब छान मारी। तब जाकर मझ याद आया -‘अर! तम हो जडर समता! मतलब लवगक समानता मतलब सती-परष बराबरी। तम तो मवहला सशककतकरण पर वलखी एक वकताब क आवखरी पषठो म दबकी पडी हो! पहिाना! अब आई हो। इतन समय बाद! खाली हाथ आई हो या कोई बजर भी लाई हो अपन साथ।’ मन उसक हाथ म उलाहना जसी कोई िीज थमा दी।

फसफसाई िह -‘म जब भी दरिाजा खरखराती, आप धयान ही नही दत थ। िस भी परष पधान खयाल िाली हकीकत की भीड म तम मरी आिाज सन भी कस सकत थ! अब आई ह तमहार पास।’ कहकर िह तीन तलाक वलए तीन पखवडयो िाल पख क नीि खद को सखान की कोवशश करन लग गई। तभी मरी यादो का कोना वखसक कर खद स बवतयान लगा -‘उस रात फाइि सरार होरल म जडर समता पर सरकारी सवमनार था। बड धरधर िकता आए हए थ। सब बडी-बडी बात कर रह थ। उधर जडर समता तो होरल क बसमर म पडी रो रही थी। हम जडर का बजर वठकान लगा रह थ। आस पास क मवदर-मकसजद म घमत। जडर समता पर भाषण िपन की एिज म भारी महनताना लकर इठलात।

लजीज खाना खान क बाद सर सपार म जडर असमानता वदखान का मजा ही कछ और था। िाह! बरसत मघो म! गील-गील रमानी खयालो म जडर समता स मलाकात। खद को सखान की जगत म थी जडर। िस भी जडर समता म इतनी तमीज भी कहा ह; जो दरिाजा खरखरा कर आए। हिा क झोक की तरह आना-जाना रहता जडर समता का। बाररश म जडर असमानता क साथ...।’ तभी जडर की एक वससकी न अिानक रमानी

याद धरती पर वबखर दी।मझ वदखा वक जडर समता काफी जयादा

भीगी हई ह। िह सामावजक हिाओ स थरथरा रही ह। धमव की गरमी का बखार तज िढ आया जडर समता को। बाहर तज राजनीवतक हिाए िल रही ह। जडर समता विरोधी तफानो न हाहाकार मिा रखा ह। ‘बहत ठिड लग रही होगी तमह। िाय वपयोगी?' पशन ि उततर जडर को उलझा गए। मन पती को आिाज लगाई। पहल तो वनयमपिवक झललाया। वफर िीखा-विललाया -‘सनती नही हो। बहरी हो गई हो कया? दखो आज हमार घर जडर समता आई ह। जाओ! इसक वलए िाय बनाकर लाओ। और हा। गरमागरम

पकौड भी बनाती लाना। वपछली बार की तरह पकौड जल हए, काल-कलर न हो। अगर िस हए तो तमहारी खर नही।’

पती न हाथ म वलए पोछ को अपन कध पर रखा। हमशा का तरह पवत दि की डार सिाभाि स रिहण की और सीध रसोईघर की राह पकडी। जडर समता न अपना हाथ उठाकर मर हाथो पर रख वदया। बदन म एक वसहरन सी दौड गई। म उसकी आखो म उममीद स दखन लगा। समीनारी भाि म मानदय रावश की िाि म कहन लगा -‘अब तक तम कहा थी जडर समता? म तमको बलाना ही तो िाहता था। जो तमहारी परिाह नही करत, तम जबरन उनको अपन पास रोक कर रखती हो। उनको अपन पास रखन क जतन म तम मरी आिाज को भी अनसना करती रही हो मरी पयारी जडर!’

बाहर भीगी हई राजनीवत जडर उषणता स गरमान लगी। मर आस-पास बढत शोर स िह कछ वििवलत होन लगी। जस ही मन जडर को गल लगाया; आसमान म विदोह क बादल मडरान लग। जडर असमानता का आसमान फर पडा। अिानक मरा सपना रर गया। पतान बठ-बठ पती मर पर दबा रही थी। जी म आया, उस एक लात जमा द, पर वकसी तरह अपन पर काब रखा। मरी जडर समता सपन म ही उड गई।

जिर समता उस रात हाथ आत-आत रह गईफाइव सार होल म जडर समता पर सरकारी सममनार था। धरधर वकता आए हए थ। सब बडी-बडी बात कर रह थ। उधर जडर समता

होल क बसम म पडी रो रही थी

बरसरामडिलास जाडगड

नवभतार टताइमस । नई चदली। शकरवतार, 23 अिस 2019

विचार

यशव चसनता, परव वरतत मतरी

डिशिनाथ परताप वसह न 2 वदसबर 1989 को पधानमती पद की शपथ ल ली थी। राषटीय मोिाव बनर तल बनी इस सरकार म दिीलाल उनक वडपरी बन थ। िीपी वसह क सामन कवबनर गठन अगली िनौती थी। उनहोन मझ कवबनर गठन स पिव अपन घर पर वमलन को कहा। जब हम दोनो की मीवरिग हई तो उनहोन उन नामो का खलासा नही वकया वजनह िह कवबनर म रखना िाहत थ लवकन वबहार स वकन नामो को जगह दना िाहत ह, उस बार म जरर बताया। मन भी उन नामो पर बबाकी और ईमानदारी स उनह राय दी।

वजस तरह स राषटीय मोिाव क गठन म और बाद म िनािी जीत म मन अहम भवमका वनभाई थी, तय था वक सरकार म मझ महतिपणव वजममदारी वमलगी। जावहर ह, जब मझ बताया गया वक 5 वदसबर को 11 बज राषटपवत भिन शपथ रिहण क वलए आना ह तो कोई हरानी नही हई। म परी तरह आशिसत था वक िीपी वसह मरा योगदान समझत हए मझ इगोर नही करग लवकन मझ वजदगी का सबस करारा झरका लगना बाकी था।

जोर कता झटकताअगल वदन कवबनर सवििालय स फोन आया वक अब मझ

5 वदसबर को शाम पाि बज राषटपवत भिन आना ह। मन उस अवधकारी स पछा वक कया शपथ रिहण का समय 11 बज स बदलकर 5 बज कर वदया गया ह? मन उस इस अदाज म कहा, मानो परा घरनारिम मझ पता ह। तब तक मर सभावित शपथ रिहण म शावमल होन मर कई पाररिाररक सदसय वफरोजशाह रोड आ िक थ। घर पर बधाइयो क गलदसत लगातार पहि रह थ।

म बताए गए समय क अनसार अपनी मारवत 800 म नीवलमा, समत और भतीजा राजश क साथ राषटपवत भिन पहिा। पिश दार पर मझ कवबनर सरिररी री एन शषन की ओर स भजा एक वलफाफा वदया गया वजसम अदर एक पपर था। मती की वनयककत स जडा। राषटपवत भिन क लब कोररडोर म िलत हए मन िह वलफाफा खोला। जस ही मन पपर पढा, मरा वदल रर गया। इसम वलखा था वक भारत क राषटपवत को पधानमती की सलाह पर मझ राजय मती वनयकत करन म पसननता हो रही ह।

दस सकड लग मझ यह तय करन म कया करना ह। मझ लगा वक िीपी वसह मर साथ ठीक नही कर रह ह। मरा यह साफ सरड था वक मरी सीवनयॉरररी और पारजी म मर योगदान को दखत हए यह पसताि उवित नही ह और मझ इस सिीकार नही

करना िावहए। मन तभी अपनी पती का हाथ पकडा, हलकी आिाज म उनस कहा- हम िापस लौरना होगा।

अिानक इस फसल पर मर तीनो फवमली मबर हतपभ थ। उनहोन पछा- कया हआ? मन सभी स सखत लवकन ररी आिाज म कहा, ‘अभी तरत लौरत ह, बाद म बताऊगा।’ मर ठीक पीछ अजीत वसह आ रह थ। उनहोन भी मझ लौरता दख यही

सिाल पछा तो उनह भी यही उततर वदया।लौरत समय सतकफ था वक मीवडया िालो की नजर मझ पर न

पड जाए। म उस िकत कोई बिाल नही िाहता था। मन राजश स कहा वक कार िह वनकाल कर लाए और म मीवडया िालो की नजरो स बिकर समारोह सथल स वनकलन म सफल रहा। रासत म मन पररिार क सदसयो को बताया वक कयो म िहा स वबना शपथ वलए लौर आया। घर पहिा तो मर ससर और भी िवकत

हए। मन सबको मती पद सिीकार न करन का कारण बता वदया।दरबार हॉल म मरी अनपकसथवत कई लोगो को खली। सबस

पहल िदशखर क करीबी और िडीगढ स लोकसभा सासद हरमोहन धिन वमलन आए। हम दोनो भोडसी पहि जहा िदशखर भी मौजद थ। सभी एक राय थ वक िीपी वसह न अचछा नही वकया और यह एक तरह स िदशखर का भी अपमान ह। घर लौरन पर पती न बताया वक वकस तरह पर वदन जनता दल क नता और मीवडया घर पर जम रह।

मनतान की कोचशशमर लौरन क बाद आररफ मोहममद खान मझस वमलन

आए। उनह कवबनर मती का दजाव वमला था। उनहोन िीपी वसह क फसल पर कहा वक राजा साहब मफती मोहममद को होम वमवनसरर बनाना िाहत ह और आपको इसम राजय मती। उनहोन पद की महतता बतात हए कहा वक राजीि गाधी सरकार म अरण नहर का जसा था, िसा ही रतबा उनका रहगा। लवकन म उनकी बातो स सतषर नही था। मन साफ कहा वक जनता दल का म सबस सीवनयर नता ह और मझ राजय मती बनाकर मझस अवधक िदशखर का अपमान वकया गया ह। आररफ मनान आए थ लवकन वनराश होकर लौर। उनक जान क तरत बाद गजरात क सीएम विमन भाई परल आए। उनहोन मरी बात सन मर फसल स सहमवत जता दी।

अगली सबह िीपी वसह क करीबी सोमपाल आए। उनहोन मझ िीपी वसह स वमलन को कहा और जब तक मना करता िह मझ अपनी गाडी तक ल आए। मन िीपी वसह क सामन भी अपना सरड दोहराया। मन कहा, मझ खद स अवधक िदशखर की पवतषठा की विता ह। उनहोन मरी बात शावत स सनी। वफर कहा वक िह मझ राजयमती सितत पभार दन को तयार ह। यह भी वक मतालय अपन वहसाब स िन ल। इसक तरत बाद िह शपथ वदलिान को भी तयार थ। मझ एक पल क वलए लोभ आया, लवकन वफर पछा वक जब आप सितत पभार दन को तयार ह तो कवबनर रक कयो नही द रह? िीपी वसह न कहा, ‘कछ महीन बाद कवबनर मती बना दग।’ मन कहा, ‘तब म मती पद की शपथ भी कछ महीन बाद ही लगा।’ वबना नतीज क बातिीत समापत हो गई।

(यशित वसनहा की आतमकथा ‘ररलरलस’, पकाशक बलमसबरी स साभार)

मन कता, शपथ भी म कछ मीन बताद ी िता

दतासतान

चवशदध रताजनीच

भारत समत 16 दश कतीय वयापक आवथवक साझदारी (रीजनल कॉकमपहवसि इकनॉवमक पारटनरवशप- आरसीईपी) नाम स एक वयापक आवथवक समह बनाकर आपस म एक मकत वयापार समझौता (फी

टड अरिीमर- एफरीए) लाग करन की वदशा म आग बढ रह ह। इन दशो म दस आवसयान दश- वफलीपीस, बनई, इडोनवशया, मलयवशया, वसगापर, वियतनाम, कबोवडया, लाओस, थाईलड और मयामार तथा छह वहद पशात कत क दश- भारत, िीन, दवकण कोररया, जापान, ऑसटवलया और नयजीलड शावमल ह। आरसीईपी दशो की विशि जनसखया म लगभग 47 पवतशत, अथववयिसथा म 32 पवतशत, वयापार म 29 पवतशत और वनिश म 33 पवतशत वहससदारी ह। इस समझौत को मतव रप दन क वलए भारत समत इन सभी दशो की लगातार बठक िल रही ह। इसकी छठी बठक इस महीन क अत म जकाताव (इडोनवशया) म पसतावित ह।

n सबस बडरी फसल इस समझौत का वहससा बनन क वलए भारत क पास आगामी निबर तक का िकत ह। पर भारत अवधकतर आरसीईपी दशो क साथ पहल ही वयापार घार म ह। भारत का िीन स 54 अरब डॉलर, साउथ कोररया स 12 अरब डॉलर और इडोनवशया क साथ 11 अरब डॉलर का वयापार घारा ह। इसवलए यह आशका बनी हई ह वक इस समझौत स भारत क उदोगो और कवष, विशषकर

दगध और डयरी उदोग को ससत विदशी उतपादो की बाढ का सामना करना होगा, जो इन कतो की बबावदी का सबब बन सकता ह। इस विषय म वपछल महीन िीन की राजधानी पइविग म भारत और नयजीलड क बीि हई एक वदपकीय बठक म भारत क पवतवनवधमडल न नयजीलड क दगध-उतपाद वनयावत की 5 पवतशत माता को भारत म आयात करन पर सहमवत जताई। हालावक यह अभी समझौत का औपिाररक वहससा नही बना ह, पर इस खबर क बाहर आन क बाद भारतीय डयरी उदोग म हडकप मि गया।

हमार दश म लगभग 28 लाख करोड रपय मलय का कवष उतपादन होता ह, वजसम 25 पवतशत वहससा यानी लगभग 7 लाख करोड रपया दध क उतपादन स आता ह। यवद दध समत पशपालन स होन िाली सपणव आमदनी का आकलन कर तो कवष म इसकी वहससदारी लगभग 30 पवतशत ह। मलय क वलहाज स दध दश की सबस बडी फसल ह। दध की

अथववयिसथा गह और िािल दोनो की सयकत अथववयिसथा स भी जयादा बडी ह। लगभग 18 करोड रन दध उतपादन क साथ हम विशि क 20 पवतशत दध का उतपादन करत ह और कई सालो स पथम सथान पर बन हए ह। नीवत आयोग की एक ररपोरट क अनसार 2016-17 म हमन अपनी माग 14.8 करोड रन स भी 1.5

करोड रन अवधक यानी 16.3 करोड रन दगध उतपादन वकया था। हमारा दश दध म आतमवनभवर ही नही बकलक दगध उतपादो को अनय दशो क बाजारो म वनयावत करन की कसथवत म भी ह। मगर ऑसटवलया और नयजीलड दगध उतपादो क बहत बड वनयावतक दश ह।

इन दोनो दशो की सयकत रप स विवभनन दगध उतपादो जस दध, वमलक पाउडर, मकखन, िीज आवद म विशि बाजार म 20 स लकर 70 पवतशत तक की वहससदारी ह। भारत म इन दगध उतपादो क सगवठत कत का िावषवक बाजार लगभग 5 लाख रन का ह जबवक नयजीलड अकल ही इन उतपादो की 25 लाख रन स अवधक माता का िावषवक वनयावत करता ह। ऐस म नयजीलड जस दशो दारा हमार दश म भारी

माता म दगध उतपादो का वनयावत वकए जान की आशका वनराधार नही ह। वपछल पाि सालो स दध क दाम वकसान क सतर पर बहत कम िल रह ह और दधार पशपालक वकसान की हालत पहल स ही खराब ह। यवद आरसीईपी समझौत म दगध उतपादो क आयात को खला छोड वदया गया तो वकसान सतर पर दध क दाम 40 पवतशत तक वगर जान की आशका ह।

इतन कम दामो पर तो दगध उतपादन का खिाव वनकलना ही असभि हो जाएगा। इसस डयरी वकसान बबावद हो जाएग और वकसानो की आमदनी पर इतना नकारातमक पभाि पडगा वक ि पशपालन स विमख हो जाएग। सकर स जझ रही कवष ि रिामीण अथववयिसथा और भी गहर सकर म फस जाएगी और भारत अपनी

दध सबधी जररतो क वलए आयात पर वनभवर हो जाएगा। 2007 म जब िीन न नयजीलड क साथ इसी पकार का एक मकत वयापार समझौता वकया था तो िीन की दगध उतपादन की विकास दर 2000-06 क 22 फीसदी िावषवक स वगरकर 2006 स 2017 क बीि मात 0.06 पवतशत रह गई। यानी समझौत क बाद क 10 सालो म िीन का दगध उतपादन लगभग इसक पारभ वबद पर ही वरका रह गया। इसक विपरीत 2007 म िीन अपनी खपत का किल 3 पवतशत दगध उतपादो का आयात करता था जो 2017 म बढकर 20 पवतशत स जयादा हो गया।

n भवमहरीनो का सहारा हमार दश म लगभग 10 करोड डयरी वकसान ह यानी 50 करोड क आसपास लोग दगध उतपादन स होन िाली आमदनी पर वनभवर ह। दगध वयापार और दगध उतपादो स जड सगवठत ि असगवठत कत क अनय लोगो को जोड द तो यह सखया और बडी हो जाती ह। दगध उतपादन रोजमराव क खिचो को परा करन और वकसानो की आय दोगनी करन की दकषर स एक अवत आिशयक कवष गवतविवध ह। इस काम म लगभग 75 पवतशत वहससदारी लघ, सीमात और भवमहीन वकसानो की ह। इन कमजोर िगव क वकसानो क वलए दगध उतपादन जीिन रखा की तरह ह। वकसान पररिारो, विशषकर बचो को पोषक खराक उपलबध करान का दध एक बडा माधयम ह। इसस वकसान पररिार की मवहलाओ का आवथवक सशकतीकरण भी होता ह। सरकार को दखना होगा वक आरसीईपी म समझौता करक कही हम इन वकसानो की जीिन रखा को ही तो नही वमरा रह।

(लखक वकसान शककत सघ क अधयक ह)

फी टरड स िौपट ो सकता डरयरी उदोि दगध उतपादो क आयात को खला छोडा गया तो वकसान को दध क दाम 40 पवतशत कम वमलग

भारत म लगभग 28 लाख करोड रपय मलय का कवि उतपादन होता ह विसम 25 परवतशत यानरी लगभग 7 लाख करोड रपया दध स आता ह

ितातार घताटर क बताद चकसतान स ख मजदर बनता मतारताषट कता एक दध उतपतादक

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Uma Kadam

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n सरका का सिाल22 अगसत का सपादकीय ‘खतर का वबगल’ पढा। जबस महादीपीय बवलकसरक वमसाइल समझौत स रस और अमररका अलग हए, एक गभीर सिाल जहन म उठन लगा। अगर कोई गलत काम करन स रोकता ह तो सबस पहल खद को उस काम स दर रखना होता ह। उततर कोररया जसा छोरा दश कोई परीकण करता ह तो उस पर अमररका आग बबला हो जाता ह। तरह-तरह क पवतबध लगिा वदए जात ह। लवकन जब िह खद यही करता ह तो यह उसकी शषठता और दबगई की वनशानी बन जाती ह! इस दखत हए अगर िीन और

रस भी परीकण शर कर द तो वफर दवनया और भी असरवकत होती िली जाएगी।

जग बहादर डसह, ईमल स

n परष सासद भी सोचएनबीटी म पकावशत लख ‘सती पशनो पर खलकर बोल मवहला सासद’ (22 अगसत) स मवहलाओ की िनौवतयो क बार म जानन को वमला। दश की मवहलाए परषो क साथ कदम स कदम वमलाकर आग बढी ह और कछ कतो म उनह कडी रककर भी दी ह। शमवनाक बात यह ह वक समाज अब भी मवहलाओ को बराबरी का दजाव नही दता। उन सभी 78 मवहला

सासदो को सलाम, वजनहोन सावबत कर वदखाया वक ि वकसी आरकण की मोहताज नही ह। न वसफफ मवहला सासदो बकलक परष सासदो को भी कसतयो स जड सभी मदो पर परा धयान दना िावहए तावक महाराषट और अनय राजयो म गरीब मवहलाओ क साथ जो हो रहा ह, िह तरत बद हो।

बाल गोडिद, नोएडा

n डजममदारी लनी होगी21 अगसत का लख ‘जनसखया पर बक लग, तभी बिगा पयाविरण’ पढा। किल टक क पीछ सलोगन वलखकर या दीिार पर वित बनाकर पिार करना काफी नही ह। बढती जनसखया को रोकन क वलए सरकार को जलदी कड कदम उठान होग। अवशका, गरीबी, जागरकता की कमी जस

मसलो पर भी धयान दना होगा। हालावक वशवकत पररिारो म अब एक स दो बच ही दखन को वमलत ह। जहा तक पयाविरण सरकण का सिाल ह, इसक वलए दश क हर एक नागररक को अपनी वजममदारी तय करनी होगी।

डकरन डसह, रिरर नोएडा

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एकदता

सत कबीर रोज सतसग वकया करत थ। दर-दर स लोग उनह सनन आत थ। एक वदन सतसग खतम होन पर भी एक आदमी बठा रहा। कारण पछा तो उस वयककत न कहा, ‘म गहसथ ह। घर म सभी लोगो स मरा झगडा होत रहता ह। म जानना िाहता ह वक मर यहा गह कलश कयो होता ह और िह कस दर हो सकता ह।’ कबीर थोडी दर िप रह। वफर उनहोन अपनी पती स कहा, ‘दीपक जला कर लाओ।’ कबीर की पती दीपक जला कर ल आई। िह आदमी हरानी स दखता रहा। थोडी दर बाद कबीर बोल, ‘कछ मीठा द जाना।’ इस बार उनकी पती मीठ क बजाय नमकीन ल आई। उस आदमी न सोिा वक यह तो शायद पागलो का घर ह। मीठा क बदल नमकीन, वदन म दीपक, यह सब कया ह?

िह बोला, ‘ठीक ह, म िलता ह।’ कबीर न पछा, ‘आपको अपनी समसया का समाधान वमल गया या अभी कछ सशय बाकी ह?’ िह वयककत बोला, ‘मरी समझ म कछ नही आया।’ कबीर न कहा, ‘मन दीपक मगिाया तो मरी घरिाली कह सकती थी वक तम कया सवठया गए हो? इतनी दोपहर म दीपक की कया जररत ह? लवकन नही, उसन सोिा वक जरर वकसी काम क वलए मगिाया होगा। इसक बाद मन मीठा मगिाया तो िह नमकीन द गई। म िप रहा, यह सोिकर वक हो सकता ह घर म कोई मीठी िसत न हो। यही तमहार सिाल का जिाब ह। आपसी विशिास बढान और तकरार म न फसन स विषम पररकसथवतया अपन आप दर हो जाती ह।’

इतनी दर म िह वयककत समझ िका था वक गहकलश का रोना रोन स कछ नही होता। गहसथी म आपसी विशिास स ही तालमल बनता ह। पवत स गलती हो तो पती सभाल ल और पती स कोई तवर हो तो पवत उस नजरअदाज कर द, यही गहसथी का मल मत ह।सकलन : दीनदयता मरतारकता

िषष 73, सखया 201आर.एन.आई. न. 510/57© सिाववधकार सरवकत। वलवखत अनमवत क वबना सपणव या आवशक पनपवकाशन पणवत: पवतबवधत। सितिावधकारी बनर, कोलमन एणड कमपनी वलवमरड क वलए राजीि यादि दारा, 7 बहादरशाह जफर मागव, नई वदलली-110002 स पकावशत तथा राइमस ऑफ इवडया पस, साइर IV, औदोवगक कत सावहबाबाद तथा पलॉर नबर 407, वतिारीगज, फजाबाद रोड, विनहर, लखनऊ-227105 और पलॉर नबर 7-8, सकरर M-11, टासपोरट हब, इडकसटयल मॉडल राऊनवशप, मानसर, हररयाणा स मवदत। फोन : 23302000 फकस: 23492047, पजीकत कायावलय : दादाभाई नौरोजी रोड, मबई-400001। विमान सिा शलक : 1 र. पवत कापी। नपाल म कल मलय : सोमिार स शवनिार : नपाली 5 र. ; रवििार : नपाली 6 र.कायवकारी सपादक (वदलली माककर) : ए.पी.एस. खाती (इस अक म पकावशत समसत समािारो क ियन एि सपादन हत पी.आर.बी. एकर क अनतगवत उततरदायी)

कषण र अवसथता म परफलल रन कता जतान द

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चवनोद कमतार यतादव

शीमदागित म एक पसग आता ह वक दारका म शीकषण न अपन दह-विसजवन क समय अजवन को पास बलिाकर कहा, ‘कौतय, मरी इचछा ह वक अब तम दारकािावसयो को अपन सरकाकिि म हकसतनापर ल जाओ।’ अजवन की अगआई म राजमहल की कसतयो ि पजा का कावफला हकसतनापर क वलए िल वदया।

अजवन का कारिा जब जगल स गजर रहा था, डाकओ न हमला कर अत:पर की कसतयो क आभषण लरन शर कर वदए। अजवन न वबना समय गिाए अपन धनष गाडीि की ओर हाथ बढाया। वकत यह कया! िह गाडीि वजसकी रिकार स कौरिो क खम म हाहाकार मि जाता था, आज इतना भारी हो गया वक उस उठाना तो दर, महाभारत का विजता सिवशषठ धनधवर धनष की कमान पर पतयिा भी न िढा सका। अजवन वििश होकर अपना कावफला लरता हआ दखता रहा। उस विशिास नही हो रहा था वक िह िही अजवन ह, वजसन करकत की रणभवम म भीषम वपतामह सवहत अजय योदाओ को परासत वकया था। अजवन क कानो म योगशिर क शबद गज रह थ- ह पाथव! तम तो किल वनवमतत मात हो। इस ससार म जो कछ घवरत होता ह, िह परमपरष की इचछा स होता ह।

‘कषण’ शबद अपन आपम इतनी आधयाकतमक ि अनठी यौवगक ऊजाव स वनवमवत ह वक जीिन म जब-जब कषण-तति अनपकसथत होता ह, तब-तब वयककत वनसतज होकर अपन पराभि को पापत होता ह। कषण जीिन क पतयक आयाम को समरिता स सिीकार करत ह, इसवलए िह दख क महासागर म भी नाित-गात और पफकललत वदखाई दत ह।

कषण न जीिन क सब रगो को सिीकार वकया। िह पम स भागत नही। िही पम की पराकाषठा यानी रासलीला को भी एक वदवय रप दन और सनयास जस गभीर विषय को भी समरसता दन का कायव कर सकत ह। इसवलए सनातन ससकवत म कषण को पणव अितार मानत हए परमपरष कहा गया। कषण क वयककतति म जड-वसदातो ि परातनपथी मानयताओ का कोई सथान नही ह। कषण सदि कमव क पवत पवतबद वदखाई दत ह। इसवलए दसरो को भी कमवफल की विता स मककत का सदश दत ह।

परमपरष गीता म सिय कहत ह, ‘म अवयकत ह, अजनमा ह।’ इसवलए जनमाषरमी का उतसि सिय क भीतर भी कषणजनमोतसि मनान का ढिग यानी कषण-ितना को जगान का उतसि ह। जब साधना स हमार षडविकार- काम, रिोध, लोभ, मोह, मतसर और अहकार जडमल स नषर हो जात ह, तब हमार भीतर कषण-ितना पसफवरत होती ह। शीकषण की समसत लीलाए हमारा मागवदशवन करती हई जीिन की विषमताओ स सामजसय सथावपत करना वसखाती ह वक हम अनािारी वयिसथा का लोकतावतक ढिग स विरोध करना भी आना िावहए।

जब घमड, छल-छदम ि कदािार क पतीक बन गए इद स गोकल की पजा दखी हो गई तो कषण न पर बजमडल म इद की पजा पर रोक लगा दी। बौखलाए परदर (इद) न नवदयो क तरबध तोडकर बज म जल-पलय उतपनन कर दी। तब पाथवसारथी न सबको गोिधवन पिवत पर विसथावपत कर उनकी रका की। जब तक हम समरिता स जीिन जीन िाल योगशिर कषण को परपरागत अिसथाओ तक सीवमत रखग, हमार भीतर अनयाय का पवतकार करन और कदािार स जझन की सकलपशककत उतपनन नही हो सकती।

गोल माककट क सकियरसताडी चदली

चववक शकता

गोल माककट स कछ ही दरी पर कसथत रवलरिाफ सकियर अब इवतहास क पननो म दजव हो गया ह। जब वदलली 1912 म दश की राजधानी बनी तो कलकतता स सार सरकारी दफतर भी इधर आ गए। उनक साथ सकडो सरकारी बाब भी वदलली वशफर कर गए।

वबवरश सरकार न अपन बाबओ क वलए गोल माककर एररया म दो दजवन स अवधक सकियर बनाए वजनम िार-िार कमरो िाल 16 फलर होत थ। फलर क आग-पीछ आगन भी होता था। सकियर क आग एक सदर सा मदान होता था और उसक आग एक छोरी सी सडक होती थी। दसरी तरफ 16 फलर और। इनक नाम थ एलबरट सकियर, रलर सकियर, एलगजडर सकियर आवद। य सब वबवरश अफसर थ जो नई वदलली क वनमावण म लग हए थ। वपछल दो दशको स सकियरो को तोडकर सरकारी बाबओ क वलए फलर बनान का वसलवसला िल रहा था, पर रवलरिाफ सकियर पर हथौडा नही िला था। इसम सरकारी अफसर रहत थ।

इसक ररन क साथ ही अब राजधानी म सकियर शप म बन फलरो की ससकवत खतम हो गई ह। जब रवलरिाफ सकियर क फलरो को तोडा जा रहा था तब गोल माककर एररया क सोशल िकफर पीतम धारीिाल न उन फलरो की कछ तसिीर ल ली थी तावक उनक पास गोल माककर क सकियर की कछ याद रह। दरअसल शर म कलकतता स बडी तादाद म बगाली बाब आकर रहन लग। गोल माककर एररया वमनी बगाल बन गया।

इन बगाली बाबओ क आन का असर यह हआ वक मवदर मागव म कालीबाडी और राय वसनहा बगाली सककल भी खल गए। हालावक 60 क दशक क बाद गोल माककर म बगावलयो का असर कम हआ कयोवक ि रररायर होकर यहा स वनकलन लग। वबवरश सरकार न अपन बाबओ क वलए वमरो रोड, रगोर रोड, थॉमसन रोड आवद म भी गोल माककर जस फलर बनाए थ पर सकियर नमा अदाज म फलर वसफफ गोल माककर म ही बन थ। इनम अलग-अलग दौर म मोहममद अली बोघरा, जो आग िलकर पावकसतान क पधानमती भी बन, पजाबी क कथाकार करतार वसह दगगल, भारत क पिव विदश सविि ज एन दीवकत, हमा मावलनी और रवनस क सपरसरार रामनाथन कषणन भी रह।

बोघरा क बार म बताना जररी ह वक ि ईसर पावकसतान (अब बागलादश) स थ। ि फाइनस वमवनसटी म काम करत थ, जबवक हमा मावलनी क वपता भारत सरकार क मलावजम थ। अब गोल माककर क सकियरो की वसफफ फोरो और याद ही शष ह।

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THE TRIBUNE08 CHANDIGARH | FRIDAY | 23 AUGUST 2019OPINION

Needn’t convert to marry

Over to judiciary Apropos ‘PC arrested by CBI’ (Aug22), the spectacle of the arrest of theformer minister of the country by theCBI is not only unprecedented, butalso alarming for any non-partisancommon man. Though the complexi-ties of the alleged irregularities com-mitted by him are incomprehensibleto the layman, surely, this episode hasdiminished the prestige of the coun-try. Among the war of charges andcounter-charges, the only ray of hopeis the deep-rooted faith in our judici-ary. A case of alleged misuse of officialposition must be investigated, fol-lowed by judicial scrutiny, and no oneshould give it a political colour.

YOGINDER SINGHAL, LADWA

Good, but done in haste The CBI deserves accolades for itswall-scaling nocturnal arrest of Chi-dambaram (‘PC arrested by CBI’,Aug 22). There was no chance of hisfleeing or tampering with evidence.Since his plea for interim bail waspending in the SC and was listed forAugust 23. Therefore, there was hard-ly any compelling justification for thisdrama. Many believe that this specta-cle was being enacted by the agenciesconcerned to simply sensationalisethe arrest. The light of liberty wouldhave shone brightly if the HC had

allowed him two-three days to pursuethe appeal in the SC; or if the latterhad granted him interim relief till Fri-day, when the matter had alreadybeen listed for that day. But as always,the annals of liberty have their darkand shining spots!

BEANT SINGH BEDI, MOHALI

Not above law The CBI’s arrest of Chidambaramhas instilled in the minds of the com-mon people that no matter how big aperson is, he or she can never be big-ger than the law. Influential peoplewere confident that no one could doanything to them. Now this belief hasbeen demolished. Everyone shouldfear the law. Political corruptionshould be eradicated from the coun-try. It should be understood by allthat no leader, irrespective of hispower and position, past or present,is above the law of the country.

SHAKTI SINGH, KARNAL

Newspaper is a must Refer to ‘Confessions of a newspaperaddict’ (Aug 22); I too have a confes-sion to make. When it comes to themorning newspaper, I behave like ateenager eagerly awaiting an Insta-gram upload from his beloved! Suchwas my obsession and fear that on

August 16 no newspaper will be pub-lished that I bought two English news-papers which I usually don’t follow,and kept them nice and crisp to readthe following day. It worked for me.

ASEEM MAHAJAN, GURDASPUR

A daily fix The middle ‘Confessions of a news-paper addict’ (Aug 22) resonates withall avid newspaper readers. Most of usstill rely on the newspaper as our pri-mary source of information as it ismore credible than other media. Aday that goes without reading thenewspaper feels somewhat incom-plete. It is a daily pick-me-up we needto start our day with.

VARUN DAS, ZIRAKPUR

Ensure scheme works Apropos the Punjab Government’sSarbat Sehat Bima Yojana, it isgood that the Capt AmarinderSingh government has come upwith a health insurance schemewhich will cater to 75 per cent of thestate’s population. It is the duty ofthe government to provide health-care services at affordable rates.But in the past, such healthschemes have not run successfully.The authorities responsible for thescheme need to keep a vigil on its

implementation. People shouldalso be vigilant regarding the roleplayed by empanelled hospitals.

AJAY BAGGA, HOSHIARPUR

Challenge of floodsThe news report ‘Water continues torise, so do fears’ (Aug 21) shows theplight of the people of Jalandhar whoare facing a flood crisis. As a reader, Iam glad that The Tribune made effortsto help those affected. But it is alsoclear that people are finding it difficultto save their livestock. Along with thelives of humans, the safety of animalsalso needs to be considered.

KEERTHANA VP, KERALA

Coaching in schools Apropos the editorial ‘Coaching oncampus’ (Aug 22), many schools,especially schools run by charitablesocieties, are running classes bycoaching centres on the premises inviolation of rules. Some schools areconducting entrance coaching intheir management office buildingson the pretext of having no contactwith the schools. The CBSE mustconduct frequent raids to ascertainthe actual position, and if any schoolis found flouting the rules, its affili-ation should be withdrawn.

SS PAUL, NADIA

Lal Singh

OUR ship was on a Far East-Pacific-US voyage. Afterloading cargo at Calcutta

and fuel bunkering in Singapore,we reached a Taiwanese port calledKeelung. While on a sightseeingwalk, I found a huge crowd outsidea large department store. The ban-ners and loud announcements werein the local language, but it wasobvious that a special sale was goingon. I went into the store and pickedup some small items. I stood in along queue leading to the paymentcounter. Unable to comprehend thePA announcements, I did not both-er to find out more about it. While Iwas nearing the counter, a person

ahead of me left his well-loadedshopping trolley to pick up anotheritem from a nearby shelf. I don’tknow what came over me to jumpthe queue and take his place. As Ipaid the bill and started movingtowards the exit, I heard clapping atthe payment counter. The personwhose place I had taken was beinggreeted with handshakes. He hadwon a lucky draw, being the nth orrandomly picked up person, whichwon him a gift hamper and a dis-count on his purchases. Had I notfoolishly jumped the queue, I wouldhave won the draw! It did not cheerme much when the lucky gentle-man gave me a thank-you look.

The folly haunted me whenever Iwent shopping, but it did teach me a

lesson: keep patience, it may pay.Many years later, just near the fag-end of my service, I got sort ofrewarded for this feeling — on theother side of the globe, at the LongBeach port near Los Angeles. Wehad a long stay at the port, and Iwould visit downtown stores. Once,I went to a supermarket and pickedup a large jar of Tang. There was along queue in front of the paymentcounter, which I also joined. Whenmy turn came, a buxom lady with atrolley full of her purchases, pushedme aside without even an apology.She probably noticed my single itemas her justification to take my placein the queue. But this uncharitableact was not missed by the youngsalesgirl at the counter, who cast a

disdainful look at the haughty cus-tomer. After a long list of her pur-chases were accounted, registeredand paid for, the lady departed.

I handed over my single item tothe salesgirl, who wrapped andput the jar in a small carry bag.She handed it over to me withoutany payment. When I opened mywallet to pay, she just smiled anddeclined any payment, saying,‘Sir, I have already charged thatlady for your item in her bill as apenalty and lesson for her boorishbehaviour and a small reward foryour patience.’

This gesture was a good compen-sation for my self-deprecating oldguilt of jumping the queue manyyears back at the Keelung store.

JURIST & FORMER CHAIRMAN, NATIONALCOMMISSION FOR MINORITIES

THE nation is passing througha crucial period in our historyand this court cannot remainsilent in matters of great pub-

lic concern such as the present one’,observed the Supreme Court in a writpetition seeking quashing of criminalproceedings against a young girl andher husband for the ‘crime’ of con-tracting an inter-caste marriage (LataSingh vs State of UP, 2006). Decidingthe case, the court further held: ‘Thisis a free and democratic country andonce a person becomes major he or shecan marry whosoever he or she likes. Ifthe parents of the boy or girl do notapprove of an inter-caste or inter-reli-gious marriage, the maximum theycan do is to cut off social relations withthe son or the daughter, but they can-not commit or instigate acts of vio-lence against the person who under-goes such a marriage.’

Taking cognisance of the growingintolerance for such marriages insociety, the court issued a generalorder: ‘We direct that the administra-tion and police authorities through-out the country will see to it that ifany major boy or girl undergoesinter-caste or inter-religious marriagewith a major woman or man, the cou-ple is not harassed by anyone, norsubjected to threats or violence, andanyone who gives such threats orcommits or instigates violence is tak-en to task by instituting criminal pro-ceedings against him or her. ’

The court’s deep concern for law-lessness did not change the situation.Society continues to witness similarcases of communal tension and vio-lence emanating from such mar-riages. The latest case of this naturecomes from a Haryana village. A

shopkeeper’s daughter left her fami-ly to marry a tailor of a different reli-gious community. Some peopleblocked a highway and forced shop-keepers to keep shutters down,demanding that the girl be ‘returned’to her parents. On being approachedby the couple to seek protection, thestate High Court directed the police toprovide the same, but the couple didnot surface for fear of persecution.

The problem of law and orderresults from interfaith marriages dueto the misuse of various personal lawsand disuse of the secular law of civilmarriages, both of which are wide-spread. The latter law is contained inthe Special Marriage Act 1954, ofwhich people of all communities areeither ignorant or deliberately avoidusing, believing it to be repugnant totheir religion. In 1872, when solemni-sation of marriages by religious riteswas the order of the day, and none ofthe prevailing personal laws allowedan interfaith marriage, our Britishrulers had enacted the Special Mar-riage Act under which any two per-sons (irrespective of religion andcaste) could contract a civil marriage

in a court on declaring that they didnot profess any religion. This condi-tion, though seen as a mere formality,kept religious-minded persons awayfrom the Act. In 1922, the Act wasamended to provide that if parties toan intended interfaith marriage werefrom the Hindu, Buddhist, Jain andSikh communities, they could marrywithout declaring detachment fromreligion. For the other communities,the law remained unchanged.

In the eighth year of Independence,the 1872 Act was replaced with the Spe-cial Marriage Act 1954, enabling partiesto an intended interfaith marriage toremain in their respective religionsand yet become husband and wife. Tofacilitate inter-caste marriages, its pro-visions are made available also to par-ties professing the same religion. Tocouples already married as per reli-gious rites, the new law gives theoption of transforming their marriageinto a civil marriage by voluntarily reg-istering it under its provisions. This isan option which makes both parties’personal laws inapplicable to them.

Ignoring or avoiding the new SpecialMarriage Act, interfaith marriage still

generally takes place after one of theparties converts to the other’s religion.In many cases, parents of the partiesinsist on changing religion, even if theyknow that it is unnecessary under thelaw. And there begins the trouble. Whatcreates problems is, in fact, not an inter-faith marriage by itself, but conversionfrom one to another religion — more soif it is from the majority community’sreligion to Islam or Christianity.Although the Constitution guaranteesfreedom of conscience to all, for somesections of the majority communityconversion has been and remains avery sensitive issue.

The remedy for the situation lies ineducating people that change of reli-gion is not at all necessary for the sakeof marrying outside one’s communi-ty. The advantages of civil marriagescontracted under the 1954 Act overreligious marriages solemnised underpersonal laws are also to be given widepublicity. People are to be told that aMuslim woman — born or convert —on marrying a Muslim man under thesaid Act escapes the potential risks ofbigamy and extrajudicial divorce onhis part. Such a marriage also attractsapplication of the Indian SuccessionAct of 1925 to the wife’s inheritancerights, which are far more liberal thanin Muslim law. Also, procedural provi-sions of the Act causing undue public-ity of an intended civil marriage needto be suitably amended.

In a recent case reported this month,the Supreme Court set aside a directiveof the Allahabad High Court given to aninterfaith couple being harassed bytheir relatives that they should registerunder the 1954 Act their marriage dulysolemnised according to religious rites.Technically, the High Court was wrong,but going by the advantages of civilmarriages over religious marriages, itsdirection, if followed, would have clear-ly been in the interest of the female par-ty. I do recommend a law to the effectthat every interfaith marriage, with orwithout conversion, must be solem-nised only under the Special MarriageAct 1954. This may at least reduce, if noteliminate, social tensions resultingfrom conversion for the sake of marry-ing outside one’s community.

Letters to the Editor, typed in double space, should not exceed the 200-word limit. These should be cogently written and can be sent by e-mail to: [email protected]

thought for the dayThey dream in courtship, but in wedlock wake.

— Alexander Pope

NO TO LOVE: There is growing intolerance in society for interfaith marriages.

THE TRIBUNEestablished in 1881

Chidambaram under arrestOnus now on investigating agencies

THE long arm of the law can show its reach when it wants to, asseen during the arrest in dramatic circumstances of one of theseniormost Congress leaders, P Chidambaram. To silence the

party’s charge of political vendetta, the investigating agencies have ajob at hand to build a watertight case that warranted the action. Every-one is equal before the law and it will be up to the courts to decide whois guilty or innocent of money-laundering, but the CBI and ED wouldknow that only due process and solid evidence would hold ground. Itwould not be enough to attribute the chain of events to the Delhi HighCourt’s observation that ‘when economic offenders are on pre-arrestbail, the probe conducted is at a superficial level’ and how it ‘not onlyweakens mega scam cases, but actually stifles the prosecution’.

The charges against the former Finance Minister in ManmohanSingh’s Cabinet are grave. He is accused of facilitating a huge influxof foreign funds into a television company, INX Media, in 2007 at thebehest of his son Karti, who allegedly received kickbacks and hasbeen questioned several times. The two, who have all along pro-claimed innocence, were named by INX owners at the time, Peterand Indrani Mukerjea. Questions are bound to be asked on the cred-ibility of Indrani, who has turned approver in this case but is herselfin jail in connection with the murder of her daughter. While liftingthe immunity from arrest, the HC had debunked as ‘inconsequen-tial’ Chidambaram’s defence that the CBI FIR, registered in 2017,did not name him, noting that the ‘gravity of the offence is quite evi-dent from the documents produced’. The politically-sensitive casewould likely rest more on the money and paper trail.

Before his imminent arrest, Chidambaram, an eminent lawyerhimself, said he would walk with a ‘clear conscience and head heldhigh’. Something the investigating agencies would like to do them-selves, as the CJI implored them recently.

From vigilantes to racketeersStray business turns cash cow for unscrupulous elements

TOWNS and cities in India have been grappling with the straycattle menace for long. They stray on to roads causing acci-dents and other civic disorders. A new dimension has been

added to the problem with reports from Haryana saying groups ofpersons with suspect bona fides are helping transport cattle to townsfrom villages, claiming to have the authority from gaushalas andgram panchayats, charging Rs 2,100 per cow. Fed up with the unpro-ductive cattle destroying crops, the villagers find it convenient topay up and send them away. It is ironical that it should happen inHaryana that had set itself the target of becoming stray cattle-freetwo years earlier. It had plans for rehabilitating abandoned cattleand tried to implement a community-driven model to cover its 22districts. Districts like Fatehabad, Yamunanagar and Nuh weredeclared stray cattle-free, the last being the place to which PehluKhan, lynched by cow vigilantes, belonged.

Cattle in general, cows in particular, have been part of the agri-culture-based rural economy. In India, they are regarded as agah-nya or that which should not be killed. Cattle wealth is revered andcows are part of rituals. With the nature of economy changing, it istime for a reality check. The shrinking of pasture land, increasingurbanisation, migration of workforce from villages coupled withinadequate resources has made cattle rearing tough, especially incase of dry cattle. Leaving them to roam around saves the costs forowners, who are difficult to identify.

A government panel in 1947 studied how gaushalas can preservecattle wealth and house uneconomic cattle where they could die anatural death. In 2005, the Supreme Court upheld the constitution-al validity of anti-slaughter laws, which, coupled with the belief-val-ue system, compound the problem. Community participation per-haps is best to salvage stray cattle, dwelling on their uses other thanmilk and meat. Links with agricultural and veterinary institutes andfocus on research should also help show a way out.

Solemnise interfaith marriages under the 1954 Act to reduce social tensions

TAHIR MAHMOOD

on this day...100 years ago

“The White Man’s Burden” in South Africa.WE referred in our yesterday’s issue to the letter of the Pietermaritzburgcorrespondent of the Times of India. The correspondent wrote:-“There is no use inblinking the outstanding fact that there is a widespread conviction in the minds ofboth British and Dutch in the Union that in the interests of South Africa as aDominion, with its large native population and complex colour problems, thepresence of Asiatic traders in the Union is highly detrimental and should cease.The native races and the uplifting of them has been the white man’s burden, andwill continue to be so. And the white man cannot stand a brown burden on the topof the black one. South Africa cannot be run economically with the Indian in it. Andthe white people, who have made the country, cannot be expected to commit racesuicide.” In replying to the above, Mr. Gandhi says:-“It is not the additional ‘brownburden on the top of the black one’ which agitates the European Colonists, but‘the crux of the whole question is’ your correspondent puts it ‘that South Africacannot be run economically with the Indian in it, and the white people who havemade the country cannot be expected to commit race suicide.’ This is not theproblem that presents itself to the Boer living on the veldt to whom the Indiantrader is a blessing, nor to the European housewife in Transvaal who dependssolely upon the Indian vegetable vendor for the vegetables brought to her door. Butthe problem presents itself in the manner put by your correspondent to the pettyEuropean trader who finds in the thrifty and resourceful Indian a formidable rival,and with his vote which counts a great deal and with his influence as a member ofthe ruling race he has succeeded in making his own economic problem as raceproblem for South Africa. The problem is whether the petty trader is to be allowedto override every consideration of justice, fair-play and imperial policy.”

lahore, saturday,august 23, 1919

❝ ❞letters to the editor

Years later, patience paid

The advantages of civil marriages contracted underthe Act over religious marriages solemnised under

personal laws should be given wide publicity.

THE TRIBUNEGURUGRAM | FRIDAY | 23 AUGUST 2019 09OPED

THE Indian Parliament hasspoken; Article 370 is doneand dusted. While the mediais replete with reports from

J&K, fluctuating at the extremitiesof the conjecture spectrum — frompredicting an uprising on the oneend to a peaceful acceptance of thechanged realities on the other— thereal mantle of making a differencerests on the strategic corporals ofIndia. They are the ones who holdthe key to a long journey of peaceful‘integration’ that the nation hasjust embarked on in l’affaire Jam-mu and Kashmir.

US General Charles Krulak coinedthe term ‘strategic corporal’ in avision document in 1999 for theMarine Corps. While charting theprogress of conflict in the recentpast, General Krulak postulated thatthe future corporal, who is thejuniormost controlling a handful ofsoldiers, would need to be adept atthe nuances of fighting and directinga ‘three block’ war: a soldier couldbe engaged in disaster relief in anarea, while in just the adjacent block,

another could be involved in an anti-insurgency campaign, and yet a thirdnearby could be fighting a conven-tional war. All this would be underthe glare of world media where pure-ly tactical-level decisions and actionsof the corporal, and his band of sol-diers, would have effects/repercus-sions at the strategic level.

The photos of the abuse of Iraqiprisoners in an Abu Ghraib prison bya US soldier, the televised pictures ofthe massacre in the Sarajevo market-place during the Bosnian conflictand the horrendous visuals of the MyLai massacre in Vietnam are proof ofthe strategic effect on decision-mak-ers, national morale and internation-al perceptions due to any intemper-ate action of a soldier in the field.

Hence, the General proposed thattraining should cater to this ‘threeblock’ scenario in the spotlight ofthe media — and this last part was animportant additive; around the sametime, the incendiary cocktail of tacti-cal actions under media glare wasaptly summarised by BoutrosBoutros Ghali, UN Secretary-Gener-al, who quipped, “There are 16 mem-bers of the Security Council; the 15national representatives and CNN.”The beast called social media, inci-dentally, was yet not born.

Now, with the all-pervading prolif-eration of social media throughsmart phones, the actions of tacticaltroopers are under greater andinstant scrutiny; information war-fare is now an integral part of allcampaigns, civil or military. Thepresent situation in J&K is truly

hybrid in nature, with diplomatic,security, administrative and socialsegments of equal importance;India’s strategic corporals in each ofthese fields have their tasks cut out.

The trial of the depth of India’sdiplomatic acumen has started offwell with the blunting of Pakistan’sattempt to get the issue raised in theUnited Nations Security Council —but, make no mistake, that this isjust the start; blunting the guile ofthe Pak-China combine in the com-ing months in different internationalfora and media would be the test ofour strategic corporals in the foreignservice — the counsellors, secre-taries and ambassadors.

The security clampdown in J&Kcannot continue indefinitely and wehave already seen relaxation in

stages. The efficiency and dedicationof the civil administration comesinto focus when the government'seconomic policies start gettingimplemented, and their field opera-tors — the SDMs, tehsildars, blockdevelopment officers, panchayatofficials — all become lynchpins inthe successful implementation ofpolicy; these are the non-uniformedcivilian strategic corporals whosededication to the larger cause isabsolutely vital if J&K has to returnto normal life soon.

The uniformed men and women ofthe security establishment, to includethe central and J&K police and thearmy, are the most visible arms of thegovernment on whom all the camerasare now focused; by virtue of thesecurity forces being armed and indirect contact with the masses, it is atest of the training, patience and lev-el-headedness of these strategic cor-porals on the streets.

It is no state secret that Pakistan,and forces inimical to India, woulddo all they can to instigate the uni-formed personnel to commit somewanton act — through abuse, incen-diary speech, fake news or stonepelting. The country needs to haveconfidence on our strategic corpo-rals, who have always shown exem-plary equanimity in their difficulttask these past decades.

The rest of us Indians, far awayfrom the Valley, are also strategic cor-porals in this national endeavour ofwinning hearts and minds of thecommon Kashmiri; and the least onecan do is to avoid, like the plague,

posting triumphalist and incendiaryposts on social media that only makethe task of the soldiers on the streetsof Kashmir more difficult.

This also goes for many nationaltelevision channels which, with theirincendiary and high-pitched com-ments willy-nilly paint most, if notall, Kashmiris as being ‘anti-nation-al’, as people who are the ‘other’.

Nothing would please peopleacross the border more than to havesuch intemperate debates lead to fur-ther alienation of the common manin the Valley.

If required, the national leadershipshould come down hard on such dis-play of sordid glee and unrestrainedbehaviour that, unfortunately, isalready happening, including fromsome law makers — at this stage, touse an oft-repeated phrase thesedays, nothing can be more anti-national in this hybrid war.

General George Patton, in his bookWar as I knew It, commented that aman’s full military life is lived forjust three minutes in critical deci-sion-making, divided in bits andpieces. For India’s strategic corpo-rals, especially the uniformed forces,these three critical minutes willindeed be stretched long; they needthe unstinted support of us all.

Now, with the Pakistan ArmyChief’s tenure having been extend-ed by three years, seasoned Pak-watchers can only interpret this asIslamabad girdling up for the longrun. India’s strategic corporals havetheir work cut out.

(Views are personal)

MOST VISIBLE CORPORAL: The uniformed men of the security establishment.

The present situation in Jammu and Kashmir is truly

hybrid in nature, withdiplomatic, security,

administrative and socialsegments of equalimportance. India’s

strategic corporals in eachof these fields have their

work cut out.

EVEN as some top politiciansare raising doubts and havemade references to thealleged manipulation of

EVMs (electronic voting machines),millions of voters in the country aregetting confused. Common peopledon’t understand the mechanism of acomplicated machine like the EVM.

Rather, they depend on the institu-tions and/or their leaders to frametheir opinions. However, there was aVVPAT-auditing of the EVMs — fiveper Assembly constituency of thecountry — as directed by theSupreme Court. One obvious, yetimportant, question is how the opin-ion on EVMs will be reframed withthe VVPAT-auditing data.

A voter verifiable paper audit trail(VVPAT) slip is nothing but amachine-generated ballot paper, veri-fied by the voter himself/herself. Andif the VVPAT counts are further talliedwith the corresponding EVM counts,that would give a double-check.

The objective of tallying VVPATcounts with the corresponding EVMcounts is to check whether the EVMsare tampered with or not. If there isno mismatch for a machine, one cansafely conclude that there is no tam-pering in that EVM, at least.

While cooking rice, for example, onedoes not check all the grains in orderto ascertain whether the rice is proper-ly boiled or not. One uses a spoon tomix the boiling rice properly, and thencheck only a few grains. This mixingis very important. In a similar way,one may perform such VVPAT-audit-ing for a small percentage of random-ly chosen EVMs. And the apex courtordered the present system of VVPAT-auditing of five EVMs per Assembly

constituency in the country.It is understandable that different

people have different kinds of a prioribeliefs on EVMs. Some believe thatthey cannot be tampered with, whilesome are confident that they can cer-tainly be tampered. And millions ofcommon voters are left undecidedwith regard to this conflict. As aresult, they might have a partial‘bias’ for and against the EVMs. Ourobjective is to study how that ‘bias’, ifat all, should be reshaped after get-ting the EVM-VVPAT tallying data inthe 2019 Lok Sabha elections.

Yes, quite often, ‘data’ is instru-mental to reshape our knowledge andmodify our belief.

Take a simple example. Supposewe'd like to know the nature of aschool having 1,000 students —whether it is for boys only, or for girls

only, or a co-educational school forroughly equal number of boys andgirls. Our prior belief might be that itcan be any of the three types withone-third chance (probability) each.Then, if we take a sample of threestudents from that school randomly(which means that each student hasequal probability of being selected inthe sample), and observe that all aregirls, the school can be either forgirls only or co-educational, withmore chance for girls’ only. Thus,data modifies our prior belieftowards ‘posterior’. Now, if we takeanother sample of three students andobserve that this second lot containsat least one boy, we will be able toconclude with certainty that it is aco-ed school. But, if all of them arealso girls, our ‘posterior’ belief thatit is a school only for girls will be

strengthened, although we still can’trule out the possibility of co-educa-tion in that school.

In statistical literature, these posteri-or beliefs can be quantified by using thepopular Bayes’ theorem, named afterthe eighteenth-century British Rev-erend Thomas Bayes, who pioneeredthe concept that has tremendousimportance in the theory of probability.The theorem can be used to find theposterior probability of an event.

For example, with a sample ofthree students, all girls, the posteri-or probability that the school is onlyfor girls reduces to 80 per cent, andwith additional three more girls inthe second sample, the probabilityof it being a school for girls onlybecomes 98.5 per cent.

In the same token, we may be inter-ested to find the posterior probabilityof EVM-tampering in this year’s par-liamentary elections where, for mostof the constituencies, VVPATs werecounted in 35 machines, with a totalof 20,625 in the country. With 17.3lakh EVMs in the countrywide elec-tions, this would mean that five EVMswere randomly selected for VVPAT-auditing from about 450 EVMs in anAssembly sector, on an average.

We now know that there were eightcases of mismatch between the count-ing recorded by EVMs and correspon-ding VVPATs in the 2019 Lok Sabhaelections. Of course, the ElectionCommission assured us that theseeight cases together constituted themismatch of just about 50-odd votesand did not impact the final result.

Given that there is no mismatch orjust one mismatch in any of the 35machines which were VVPAT-tallied,what would be the posterior probabil-

ity that there might be an EVM mis-match with respect to a particular LokSabha constituency? Certainly, thiswould depend on the individual's pri-or belief. If the prior belief is thatsome EVMs are tampered for sure,this data on slightly more than 1 percent samples of EVMs is not enoughto dislodge that belief in either case.

Suppose, someone a priori believesthat the four events — no (ie 0 per cent),mild (1 per cent), moderate (10 per cent)and severe (30 per cent) mismatch —are equiprobable, that is each of themhas 25 per cent prior probability of hap-pening. If there is no mismatch in 35EVMs of a particular Lok Sabha con-stituency, the posterior probabilities ofthese four types of mismatches wouldbecome 57.9 per cent (no), 40.7 per cent(mild), 1.4 per cent (moderate), andnearly 0 per cent (severe), respectively.On the other hand, with just one mis-match in 35 machines of that con-stituency, the posterior probabilitiesof the four types of mismatches wouldbe modified to 0 per cent (no), 72.2 percent (mild), 27.8 per cent (moderate),and nearly 0 per cent (severe). Again,if the prior perception changes, theposteriors would also change.

However, if someone has a priorperception that EVMs ‘can be’ tam-pered with, in general, that percep-tion is not going to be completelynullified — at least not by VVPAT-auditing — as is clear from the appli-cation of the Bayes’ theorem.

So, unfortunately, it’s destined tobe a constant agni pariksha forEVMs after every election, unlessconfidence in these machinesamong the electorate is significantlyenhanced, beyond the VVPAT-audit-ing mechanism.

ATANU BISWASACADEMIC, INDIAN STATISTICAL

INSTITUTE, KOLKATA

If someone has a priorperception that EVMs ‘can

be’ tampered with, ingeneral, that perception isnot going to be completelynullified — at least not by

VVPAT-auditing. So, it’sdestined to be a constanttrial for EVMs after every

election, unless theelectorate’s confidence

in these machines issignificantly enhanced,

beyond the VVPAT-auditingmechanism.

VVPAT-auditing data and credibility of EVMs

DOUBLE-CHECKING: VVPAT-auditing of the EVMs is done to check whether the voting machines are tampered with or not.

AIR VICE MARSHAL MANMOHAN BAHADUR (RETD)

ADDITIONAL DIRECTOR-GENERAL, CENTRE FOR AIR POWER STUDIES, NEW DELHI

Strategic corporals of J&K hold the key

su do ku calendar forecast

YESTERDAY’S SOLUTION

AUGUST 23, 2019, FRIDAY

■ Vikrami Samvat 2076

■ Shaka Samvat 1941

■ Bhadrapad Shaka 1

■ Bhadrapad Parvishte 7

■ Hijari 1440

■ Krishan Paksh Tithi 7, up to 8.09 am

■ Dhruv Yoga up to 4:42 pm

■ Kritika Nakshatra up to 3:47 am

■ Moon enters Taurus sign 8.58 am

Shri Krishna Janmashtami (Samaart)

YESTERDAY’S SOLUTIONAcross: 1 Affidavit, 8 Rayon, 9 Outcome, 10 Kuwait, 11 Reason, 12 Invasion, 15 Lengthen,18 Quarry, 20 Nearly, 21 Tidings, 22 Stern, 23 To the full.Down: 2 Flute, 3 In case, 4 Admonish, 5 Trauma, 6 Pyramid, 7 On stand-by, 11 Replenish,13 Vanquish, 14 Unravel, 16 Talent, 17 Tariff, 19 Regal.

ACROSS1 Scaremonger (8)5 Flog (4)9 Venomous snake (5)10 Hoarsely loud (7)11 A foreboding (12)13 Fabulous monster (6)14 To filter (6)17 Favourable (12)20 Taint with bitterness (7)21 Purpose (5)22 Neat (4)23 Magnificent (8)

DOWN1 Roguish (4)2 Canadian province (7)3 Instrumentality (5,2,2,3)4 Powerful (6)6 Home (5)7 Wavering (8)8 Exposed to public

view (3,2,3,4)12 Nearby (8)15 Insulting (7)16 Strike repeatedly (6)18 Bright in colour (5)19 To lodge (4)

quick crossword

HARD

3 8 1 5 6 7 9 2 4

7 5 9 1 2 4 6 8 3

6 4 2 8 9 3 1 7 5

5 2 3 9 4 1 8 6 7

4 6 8 3 7 2 5 9 1

9 1 7 6 8 5 4 3 2

8 3 5 7 1 9 2 4 6

1 9 4 2 3 6 7 5 8

2 7 6 4 5 8 3 1 9

1 7 9 5

2 8

9 2 6

2 5 9 7

1 7 8 4

8 6 2

2 9

6 3 5 8

Sunny Partly Cloudy Cloudy Rainy Foggy

CITY MAX MINChandigarh 34 25New Delhi 34 25PUNJAB

Amritsar 36 26Bathinda 36 25Jalandhar 36 25Ludhiana 35 26HARYANA

Bhiwani 37 25Hisar 37 25Sirsa 36 26HIMACHAL PRADESH

Dharamsala 29 21Manali 26 13Shimla 23 16JAMMU & KASHMIRJammu 32 23Leh ----- -----Srinagar 30 15UTTARAKHAND Dehradun 33 24Mussoorie 23 15

SUNSET: FRIDAY 18:57 HRSSUNRISE: SATURDAY 05:53 HRS

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10 ISSUES AND INSIGHTS>

MUMBAI | FRIDAY 23 AUGUST 2019

> CHINESE WHISPERS

Past & futureThe Congress kickedoff its year-longcelebrations to markthe 75th birthanniversary offormer primeminister RajivGandhi at New

Delhi's K D Jadhav Stadium, locatedinside the Indira Gandhi Indoor Stadium.Event organisers, led by party GeneralSecretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra(pictured), picked the party's youth facesto speak at the event. While CongressPresident Sonia Gandhi delivered theconcluding address, others who spoke onthe occasion were youth leadersMeenakshi Natarajan, Gaurav Gogoi, andAmarinder Singh Raja Brar. In his speech,Brar, a former Indian Youth Congresschief, appealed to Congress leaders andworkers to unitedly support Congressleader Rahul Gandhi and give up their“greed for power”, to which SoniaGandhi was seen clapping vigorously.Several in the audience also raisedslogans in support of Rahul. Brar's appealwas intriguing because several leadersnow believe that the party should placeits trust in Priyanka in the years to come.

Police bear the bruntThe Delhi Police personnel whoescorted former finance minister PChidambaram from the CBIheadquarters to the special CBI courtin the Rouse Avenue complex had toface heat from advocates andjournalists. The security personnelhad formed a human chain rightoutside the courtroom to preventanyone from entering the premises.This infuriated some advocates andjournalists who started shouting,loud enough for the presiding judgeto take note. The commotion was justabout settling down when a formerUttarakhand chief minister came upto the entrance of the courtroom andwas allowed entry without theslightest murmur. The advocates andjournalists started protesting again,but without success.

Widening chasmThe expansion ofthe Yogi Adityanath(pictured) cabineton August 21 has,according to thegrapevine,widened the chasmbetween the chiefminister andDeputy Chief

Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya so much sothat Maurya refused to be present for theoath-taking ceremony of the newministers at the Raj Bhawan. At one point,the other deputy chief minister, DineshSharma, and a senior BJP leader went overto coax Maurya to attend the ceremony.The chasm between the two top leaders isunlikely to close any time soon withrumours swirling that Maurya could bedivested of some of his portfolios.

> LETTERS

Wait for the final verdictThis refers to“Chidambaramarrested” (August22). The countrywitnessed a politi-cal drama amidstthe chase and ultimately thearrest of formerunion minister

P Chidambaram (pictured). With thelive telecast of the Chidambaram sagaacross media channels, the nation wasoblivious to everything else happeningall around. The charges of irregularitiesin the Foreign Investment PromotionBoard clearance given to the INX Groupamounting to corruption and moneylaundering as alleged by the govern-ment agencies are grave and if provenin the impending Supreme Court hear-ing will amount to a major setback forthe Congress party.

Why did Chidambaram have to playhide and seek with the nodal agencies?Mysterious surfacing at the Congressheadquarters after 24 hours of “disap-pearance”, addressing a press confer-ence and later the tussle to arrest theminister — was that even required?Rather than adding spice to the story,all this could have been handled morematurely. If Chidambaram believesthat the charges framed against himare not true, then there is no need tobe worried. Later, if this belief is upheldby the Supreme Court, he can victori-ously claim to have been the target of apolitical vendetta. For now, patience isthe only option.

Ankita Kalia Chandigarh

Take a rigid standYour editorial “The plastic problem”(August 22) sums up the problem verysuccinctly. Indeed, we have a plethoraof legislation, in most states, to restrictthe production and use of single-useplastics (SUPs) for years now. The PrimeMinister's recent call to the nation to“make India free of SUPs” is timely and

shows the importance he gives to thecrucial subject that threatens manyfacets of life — problem that embracesmany facets of life like polluting theenvironment and ground water, clog-ging drains leading to flooding, minutequantities of plastic getting into pack-aged food consumed by us all.

The daily generation of 26,000tonnes of plastic waste — and 90 percent of the same adding to the landfillsall over the country — is a matter ofconcern. The menace is adding 8.5 mil-lion tonnes annually to the huge land-fills; ironically, most of them in the bigmetros of the country. And, we are allaware of the problems these landfillmountains cause. Foul stench is theleast of them; there are occasional firesleading to huge toxic emissions, leach-ing into groundwater pollutes thegroundwater aquifers, mosquitoesbreed there causing diseases, pigs andother animals feed on the rotting food

that eventually reaches our stomachs.The tragic effects are endless.

The key to tackling the problem liesin states taking a rigid stand againstpressures from the industry and enforc-ing the laws strictly. The problem is notbeyond efficient handling if they havethe will to do it.

Krishan Kalra Gurugram

Grin and bear itThis refers to “CG Power fraud stumpsmutual funds” (August 22). Postdemonetisation, with the real estatebusiness in the doldrums and invest-ment in commodities unattractive,most investors have shifted to financialassets. But for the past two years, everyday there is news of companies/banksfailing or in serious problem — publicsector banks, IL&FS, the Anil Ambanigroup of companies, DHFL etc to takesome examples. Investors have put intheir hard earned money in mutualfunds, NBFCs, corporate FDs etc butthere is bad news every day from finan-cial institutions. Audit reports don’treflect the true state of the financialsand the credit ratings are unreliable.Retail investors are getting singed bythese unending problems. What is aretail investor supposed to do? Keepinggrinning and bearing it?

Arun Pasricha New Delhi

Letters can be mailed, faxed or e-mailed to: The Editor, Business StandardNehru House, 4 Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg New Delhi 110 002 Fax: (011) 23720201 · E-mail: [email protected] letters must have a postal address and telephonenumber

> HAMBONE

There is a sombre feeling for oureconomy generally and partic-ularly for our banking industry.

As we understand, the intent to makethe industry healthy again seems tobe there. Industry experts, leaders,policy makers and the regulator have,for the last one decade, been assuringus that the core issuesare being addressed andrecovery is on its way. So where exactly is theshoe pinching?

There are severalchallenges that need tobe addressed. The coreones include the produc-tivity of the banking sec-tor with the public sectorbanking companies fac-ing a larger challenge. Onquantitative and qualita-tive parameters, the sec-tor is witnessing a grad-ual decline. The bankingsector is losing its market share in themobilisation of household savings.Unfortunately, the market share hasbeen wrested largely by the mutualfund industry. The household saverscarry market risk in their portfoliossans the ability to understand. The sub-stantial loss of market value of retailinvestors arising out of market volatil-ity, particularly in the past one month,suggests structural issues that are deeprooted. Perhaps policy makers will one

day realise the impact of the disinter-mediation of the banking industry vis-a-vis household wealth. The past fiveyears have seen a deep decline.

The second factor is governance. Itsorder has grown weaker, both in publicsector and private sector banking. Theslowing of the economy has contribut-ed vastly to the non-performing assets(NPAs) of the banking industry andthere is a mixed feeling about recovery.The woes of the aviation sector and thechallenges of the energy and telecomsectors do not provide much comfortto the bankers. Then there are issuesof transmission of rate cuts, where themonetary policy expectations of theregulator and the policy makers fromthe banking sector seem unrealistic. Anearly-dead horse is being pushed torise and push the economy, perhapswithout adequate fiscal measures

or support.Where are we going

wrong? Is there a dearthof reforms? The answeris obvious: There havebeen many reforms inthe past 10 years.Consolidation of bank-ing was discussed in2004-05. It happenedonly in 2018, when thebenefits of consolidationwere vastly diluted. Theregulations and mea-sures to address NPAchallenges, ranging fromannouncing borrowers

as defaulters and withdrawing furthersupport, S4A, SDR did not draw muchsuccess during the 2012-17 period. Thestatutory intervention through theNCLT process and the IBC Codeseemed promising, but the desired out-come is still eluding us. The record ofactual recovery has been fairly poor,despite the empowerment rendered tothe bankers. The regulator and thebanking industry were expecting torecover almost ~2 trillion by 2018, and

another ~2 trillion in 2019. The averagehaircuts picked up by the financiallenders were expected to be around 50per cent. Most resolutions so far havehad a much larger order of haircuts.

Then there were so many other pro-grammes designed by the policy mak-ers — the Gyan Sangam, theIndradhanush, and now Utkarsh 2020— in consultation with the regulatorsand the industry. These programmesappeared so impressive, giving us ahope that the banking system has anal-ysed the issues confronting it and thatrecovery is around the corner. This hasnot materialised.

In the midst of all this, one thingstands out clearly. There is a sincereintent on the part of the policy makers,regulator and the industry to revivethe sector. There are plans as well. Theplans, however, seem to be addressingsome aspects and missing in compre-hensiveness. Each of the reforms men-tioned above has faced many chal-lenges in execution -- whether it is theinsolvency code or the formation of aBank Board Bureau. When the reformsare executed, we realise that we had,perhaps not examined all the factorsat play. The core issues including reorientation of human resource,motivating bankers to take decisionsand providing a fear-free environmentof working for the bankers is essential.Acceptance of the hard reality of theadverse economic conditions and its implications to the borrowers is essential.

In conclusion, there is a seriousneed to strengthen the governance ofthe banking sector and align the fiscal,regulatory and legal measures to revivethe banking system. The governmentshould seriously contemplate a gradualreduction of the ownership and man-agement of public sector banks.

The author is managing partner, AshvinParekh Advisory Services LLP. Views are personal

Missing the bus… again and againINSIGHT

The chairman’s message on the website of HindustanPowerprojects (earlier Moser Baer

Projects) reads as follows: “Our strategyof risk-mitigated approach along with thepursuit to comply with all applicable cor-porate governance regulations hasallowed us to ramp up our operations.”This may however, sound like a joke now,

as the chairman, 42-year-old Ratul Puri,has been arrested by the enforcementdirectorate because of a ~354 crore bankfraud case filed by one of his lenders.

Though the charges are yet to beproved, they are serious enough. Whiledeclaring the Moser Baer account asfraud after a forensic audit, Central Bankof India claimed that the company andits directors forged and fabricated doc-uments to induce the bank to releasefunds. More problems seem to be in storefor Puri who is also being probed in theAgustaWestland chopper scam. Thoughthe bank fraud case has been going onfor a few years now, those who know Puriwell say, they are surprised that a manwho is polite to a fault and keeps chant-ing the corporate governance mantra hasso many skeletons in his cupboard.

In fact, corporate governance hasbeen a big casualty this week. A financialfraud worth thousands of crores wasdetected at the Gautam Thapar-promot-

ed CG Power and Industrial Solutions onTuesday. The company disclosed thatthe total liabilities were potentiallyunderstated and that certain assets ofthe company were purportedly providedas collateral without due authority. Whilethe probe report did not specifically say,money was diverted through shell com-panies, several companies set up by for-mer employees were under the scanner.This has been going on for quite sometime, raising questions about the roleplayed by the board, especially its inde-pendent directors who were silent whenthese questionable deals were going on.

These two cases are the latest in agrowing list of frauds in India Inc. In Maythis year, Vadodara-based ManpasandBeverages, which was already at the cen-tre of a controversy after Deloitteresigned as its auditor last year, founditself in the spotlight for all the wrongreasons. The company’s MD, his brotherand the chief financial officer werearrested for ~40 crore goods and servicestax (GST) fraud. The other directors ofthe company predictably resigned claim-

ing they had no knowledge about thefake transactions.

Governance has been a serious con-cern in Indian companies (mostly fami-ly-owned) because of their practice ofappointing the same individuals as“independent” directors on multipleboards within the same family conglom-erate, many for an extended period oftime. An MSCI report said, “this raisesconcerns as to their ability to adequatelyrepresent the interests of minority share-holders. A concern is that the lack ofdiversity of experience and backgroundrepresents a major area of weakness forthese boards.” Many of these companieshave also adopted complex ownershipstructures such as stock pyramids andcross shareholdings as they seek to main-tain family control. Naturally, gover-nance becomes the least priority.

Part of the problem of appointingindependent directors close to the pro-moters will, hopefully, be resolved bythe market regulator’s recent diktat thatthey will need to fulfil more criteria tobe eligible to sit on boards, while audit,nomination, risk management andremuneration committees will play abigger role. The Securities and ExchangeBoard of India has also ruled out a mini-mum compensation for independent

directors but said that the expertise ofdirectors must be spelt out.

While independent directors are notsupposed to know everything that thepromoters are doing, the fact is most ofthem perform the role of nodding when-ever the chairman says anything. A vastmajority are people conditioned by cul-ture — the culture of not expressing dis-sent very forcefully — and are therefore,intimidated or unsure how their criticismwill be taken. Directors close to promot-ers want to be viewed by the controllingshareholders as flexible and cooperativerather than rigorous or principled.

Independent surveys have found thatonly one out of five companies appraisesthe board's performance in India. Themove towards board reviews has beenrelatively slow and there continues to besome resistance by older or more seniordirectors, in particular, to the idea ofindividual director appraisals.

Some of the performance indicatorson which the independent directorsmust be evaluated are their ability tocontribute to and monitor the compa-ny's corporate governance practices,active participation in long-term strate-gic planning, and commitment to thefulfilment of a director’s obligations andfiduciary responsibilities.

Governance failuresRatul Puri, CG Power, Manpasand are just thelatest in a series of corporate frauds

HUMAN FACTORSHYAMAL MAJUMDAR

As the frequency and intensity offloods have increased in India,the immediate reflex is to place

the blame squarely on climate change.But the alteration in the distributionand intensity of rainfall over the pastthree decades places an even greaterburden on policy-makers to initiatelong overdue reforms, through whichwe can avoid and mitigate the worstimpacts of extreme rainfall events.

The central focus of flood policy inIndia has been engineering solutions.Apart from large dams, India has con-structed 35,000 km of embankmentsparallel to rivers in their floodplains.But the problem has only got worse overtime. In 2008, a breach in an upstreamembankment of the Kosi river led to athousand deaths and displacement of3.35 million people. In north Bihar,despite continued construction ofembankments, flood-prone area hasincreased 200 per cent sinceIndependence, partly because embank-

ments end up obstructing naturaldrainages and impede natural buildingup of river deltas and floodplains. Inthe Kosi, embankments have dramati-cally increased the accumulated sedi-ments in this river with already excep-tionally high sediment load, whoseroots lie in massive erosion of its uppercatchments. The consequent super-ele-vated riverbed leads to breaches inembankments, worsening the flood sit-uation, especially because settlementshave been encouraged on floodplainsand drainage lines.

The origins of our approach to floodmanagement can be traced to the colo-nial period. A study of experimentswith flood control in the delta regionsof eastern India from 1803 to 1956shows how this region was transformedfrom a flood-dependent agrarianregime to a flood-vulnerable landscape.The colonial administration developedthe idea of flood control to secure itsproperty regime and revenue collectionstrategies. Embankments designed toinsulate lands from inundation werethe first flood control works deployedby the British in the Odisha delta. Whenthe iconic engineer Sir Arthur Cotton(in whose memory stands a museumin Rajahmundry) was called upon tosurvey the delta in 1858, he came upwith one of those classic pronounce-ments, which (even though deeplyflawed) have guided water policy inIndia till today: “All deltas requireessentially the same treatment”, whichmeant that their rivers needed to becontrolled and regulated into an invari-able and constant supply.

So, how do we overthrow this colo-nial legacy to forge new solutions? First,

by going back to the fundamentals ofscience and acknowledging the inter-connectedness of different elements inthe water cycle. Let’s understand thiswith the example of the Kerala floodsthis month, which have occurred forthe third year in succession. Like the2013 floods in Uttarakhand, the Keralafloods clearly illustrate the importanceof the health of catchment areas, whichdeliver our water to us. Reckless (andlargely illegal) construction activity andquarrying in the eco-fragile Himalayasand Western Ghats have exponentiallyincreased the probability of landslides.The Madhav Gadgil and Kasturirangancommittees have already argued forrecognising the invaluable ecosystemservices provided by the Western Ghatsand to design a development paradigmthat recognises, values and protectsthem. Our insistent ignoring of thisadvice continues to imperil people liv-ing in these regions.

What is worse, most of Kerala’s damsare concentrated in the Western Ghats.And there is a constant conflictbetween the demands of power gener-ation, which requires reservoirs to befull and the imperatives of flood con-trol, which can only happen if the damsare relatively empty before the deluge.In any case, most of our dams aremeant for either irrigation or power,with flood control being a secondaryobjective. Instead, as secretary, earthsciences, government of India himselfrecently suggested, poor reservoir man-agement has made dams an aggravat-ing factor in floods, as happened inSurat in 2006, Chennai in 2015 andBihar in 2016. Even within these con-straints, alternative strategies for reser-

voir management can actually beworked out. A great example is the 144km river Chalakudy in Kerala, wherethe construction of as many as six largedams has completely altered the natu-ral hydrological regime of the river. Buta group of engineers and social scien-tists have designed an alternative sus-tainable reservoir operations manage-ment strategy, which was endorsed byall six riparian MLAs, after an intenseperiod of social mobilisation. Suchplans need to be carefully studied andreplicated across the country.

What has further aggravated theproblem of floods, especially in urbanareas, is the destruction of natural path-ways of water through the city towardsthe river or the sea. Once we blockthese, where will flood water go, butinto our homes and workplaces?Hyderabad in 2000, Ahmedabad in2001, Delhi in 2003, 2009 and 2010,Chennai in 2004, 2015 and 2017,Mumbai in 2005 and 2017, Kolkata in

2007, Jamshedpur in 2008, Guwahati,Kochi and Srinagar in 2014,Thiruvananthapuram in 2017... it is arecurrent, endless saga of urban floods.But even as we recount them, we forgetthat Chennai had more than 600 waterbodies in the 1980s. Today not even athird survive. Hyderabad has lost 3,245hectares of wetlands in the last 15 years.Bengaluru had 262 lakes in the 1960s.Today hardly 10 have any water. TheBellandur lake even caught fire in 2015,2017 and 2018 due to the chemicallyactive sludge dumped into it. Alleppey,the “Venice of the East” is struggling toclean and desilt its beautiful lake sys-tem, which protected it from floods inthe past. We have criminally neglectedand encroached upon these water bod-ies that act as sponges for excess waterand whose natural drainages provideda safe exit for flood waters.

Copenhagen, London, New Orleans,Chicago, Rotterdam, Melbourne andNew York are all acknowledging thatthe increasingly frequent cloudburstsof the 21st century demand a recogni-tion that the economy is but a small ele-ment within the larger ecosystem.Their planning reflects exciting “build-ing with nature” and “room-for-the-riv-er” perspectives, with much greateremphasis on low-cost blue-greeninfrastructure that connects urbanhydrological functions (blue) with veg-etation systems (green). India can dowell to learn from these ecological pio-neers by carefully adapting learningsto our own conditions.

The writer is distinguished professor, ShivNadar University and former member,Planning Commission, government of India

Flood policy needs complete overhaul

ASHVIN PAREKH

India must learn from the ecological pioneers and carefully adapt the learnings to our own conditions

WATER: REFORM OR PERISHMIHIR SHAH

In the midst of all this,one thing stands outclearly: There is asincere intent on thepart of the policymakers, regulator andthe industry to revivethe sector. There areplans as well. Theplans, however, seemto be addressing someaspects and missing incomprehensiveness

We have neglected and encroachedupon water bodies that act as spongesfor excess water and whose naturaldrainages provided a safe exit forflood waters

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EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

DELHI THE HINDU

FRIDAY, AUGUST 23, 201910EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

CMYK

A ND-NDE

EDITORIAL

Some 48 years ago, when theU.S. and British Navies triedto threaten Indian security

during the IndiaPakistan war in1971, the Soviet Union dispatchednucleararmed fl��otilla from its Pacifi��c Fleet based at Vladivostok insupport of India. Ever since then,the city of Vladivostok, located inRussia’s Far East, has had a specialplace in the hearts of Indians.When Prime Minister NarendraModi visits the city as the guest ofhonour at Eastern Economic Forum (EEF) in September, he wouldbe announcing India’s plans to invest in Russia’s Far East, thus, paying back the longheld Indian debtto Vladivostok.

The Far East lies in the Asianpart of Russia and is less developed than the country’s European areas. As part of his ‘Pivot toAsia’ strategy, President VladimirPutin is inviting foreign countriesto invest in this region. The country’s outreach to Asian nations hasespecially gained momentum afterthe 2014 Crimea crisis spoiled itsrelations with the West.

At the same time, the idea of an‘IndoPacifi��c region’, which sig

nals India’s willingness to workwith the U.S. mainly to counterChina’s assertive maritime rise,has also left Russia concerned.Moscow is apprehensive that theU.S. would exert pressure on India’s foreign policy choices andthat it could lose a friendly country and one of the biggest buyersof Russian military hardware.

For a multipolar IndoPacifi��cNew Delhi, on its part, has maintained that IndoPacifi��c is not targeted against any country andstands for inclusiveness and stability. Mr. Modi made this clear to Mr.Putin during their Sochi informalsummit in 2018. Later, at the ShangriLa dialogue, he again emphasised that for India, IndoPacifi��c isnot a club of limited members andthat New Delhi wants to have inclusive engagement with all the relevant stakeholders.

This constant engagement hasborne fruit and the two countriesare now working for a multipolarIndoPacifi��c. India has also beenable to convince Russia that its engagement with the U.S. is not goingto come against Russian interests.

On its part, Russia also wants tomake sure that China does not become a hegemon in the Eurasianregion and is hence deepeningcooperation with countries like India, Vietnam and Indonesia. Here,the Far East has the potential tobecome an anchor in deepeningIndiaRussia cooperation; more so

considering that New Delhi has expanded the scope of its ‘Act Eastpolicy’ to also include Moscow.

At least 17 countries have already invested in the Far East which,with its investmentfriendly approach and vast reserves of natural resources, has the potential tostrengthen IndiaRussia economicpartnership in areas like energy,tourism, agriculture, diamondmining and alternative energy.

Mr. Modi’s visit to Vladivostokwould not be an event in isolationas New Delhi and Moscow havebeen drawing up the plan to cooperate in the region in the last fewyears. A bilateral business dialogue was included in the businessprogramme of EEF in 2017 and, in2018, India was one of the 18 countries for which Russia simplifi��edelectronic visas to encourage tourism in the Far East. New Delhi willalso provide an annual grant of

$10,000 to fund the study of Indology at the Centre of Regional andInternational Studies at Far Eastern Federal University. Also, aMemorandum of Understandinghas been signed between AmityUniversity and Far Eastern FederalUniversity to intensify cultural andacademic exchanges in the areasof research and education.

A lack of manpower is one ofthe main problems faced by theFar East and Indian professionalslike doctors, engineers and teachers can help in the region’s development. Presence of Indian manpower will also help in balancingRussian concerns over Chinese migration into the region. Further,India, one of the largest importersof timber, can fi��nd ample resources in the region. Japan and SouthKorea have also been investingand New Delhi may explore areasof joint collaboration.

Statetoprovince tiesMr. Modi has also given due importance to ‘paradiplomacy’ whereIndian States are being encouraged to develop relations with foreign countries. States like UttarPradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra,Haryana and Goa would be collaborating with Russian Provinces toincrease trade and investments.Earlier this month, Commerce andIndustry Minister Piyush Goyal leda delegation to Vladivostok that included Chief Ministers of theseStates and representatives from

about 140 companies. For India,there is immense potential formidsized and small businesseswho should be assisted to overcome language and cultural barriers so that they successfullyadopt local business practices. Ameeting between the heads of theregions of Russia and various ChiefMinisters from Indian States maysoon take place and this should become a regular feature.

The two countries are also looking at the feasibility of ChennaiVladivostok sea route that wouldallow India access to Russia’s FarEast in 24 days, compared to the40 days taken by the current routevia Suez Canal and Europe. Thisroute would potentially add the required balance to peace and prosperity in South China Sea andcould open new vistas for India,like the IndiaRussiaVietnam trilateral cooperation.

Great power rivalry is back ininternational politics, making itmore unpredictable. In timeswhen U.S. President Trump is interested in ‘deglobalisation’ andChina is promoting ‘globalisation2.0 with Chinese characteristics’,it makes sense for India and Russiato increase their areas of cooperation and trade in order to hedgeagainst disruptive forces and maketheir ties sustainable.

Harsh V. Pant is professor at King’s College

London; Raj Kumar Sharma is consultant,

Faculty of Political Science, IGNOU

Taking a ‘Far East’ turn to deepen a friendshipDuring Modi’s visit to Vladivostok, India should signal more willingness to invest in a less-developed part of Russia

Harsh V. Pant

& Raj Kumar Sharma

more letters online:

www.hindu.com/opinion/letters/

India’s current economic slowdown is due to a combination oftwo underlying trends. First,

there is the shortrun cyclical slowdown exhibited by a number ofhighfrequency indicators, refl��ecting a signifi��cant fall in demand, especially for sectors such as automobiles, consumer durables andhousing.

Second, there is the more serious longterm fall in investmentand savings rates. Raising growthrequires that attention be paid toboth cyclical and structural dimensions of the problem.

Fixed capital formationWhen it comes to the Gross FixedCapital Formation (GFCF) relativeto GDP at current prices, a steadyfall has been visible since 201112,when it was 34.3%. By 201718, ithad fallen by 5.7% points, to a levelof 28.6%.

Assuming an Incremental Capital Output Ratio (ICOR) of 4, thismeant a fall of nearly 1.4% pointsin the potential growth rate. Thefall consisted of sectoral decreasesin the household, private corporate and public sectors (as indicated in the table).

It is noticeable that the fall inthe household sector’s investmentrate got arrested by 201516. However, by then, the rate had already fallen by 6.3% points. From201617, the sector’s investmentrate even showed some recovery.

In contrast to the householdsector rate, the private corporatesector investment rate did not

show any fall up to 201516 when,at 11.9%, it was in fact higher thanthe corresponding rate for 201112(11.2%). It fell in the subsequentyears, but only by 0.7% points.This nearconstancy runs counterto what industry leaders havebeen saying and what other datasources such as CMIE indicate,casting some doubts on the veracity of the fi��gures.

In the case of the public sector,the rate fell by 0.3% points between 201516 and 201718.

Thus, the period from 201112 to201718 can be seen as consisting oftwo parts: 201112 to 201516, whenthe household sector investmentrate fell sharply; and 201516 to201718 when the investment ratesof the private corporate and publicsectors fell marginally.

Fall in household savings rateThe Gross Domestic Savings Ratealso fell between 201112 and 201718 by 4.1% points, from 34.6% ofGDP to 30.5%. However, this fallwas entirely due to the householdsector, with the private corporateand public sectors showing increases in their savings rates by

margins of 2.2% points and 0.2%points, respectively. This diff��erentiated sectoral pattern of investment and savings rates had signifi��cant implications for the fi��nancingof investment. Private corporateand public sectors were the defi��citsectors, fi��nancing their defi��citsfrom the surplus savings of thehousehold sector. In addition, netinfl��ow of foreign capital added tothe fl��ow of investible resources.

Throughout the period from201112, the savings rate of the private corporate sector increased, reducing its dependence on the surplus savings of the householdsector. While the excess of privatecorporate sector’s investment over its own savings rate was 3.8%points of GDP in 201112, the gapfell to 0.5% points by 201718.

Given this pattern, at present,all the surplus savings of the household sector is available for thepublic sector. With private corporate sector’s investment demandbeing largely met by its own savings, public sector’s borrowing requirements can be fully fi��nancedusing the surplus from the household sector, supplemented by net

infl��ow of foreign capital withoutany fear of crowding out.

In 201819, the real GDP growthrate was 6.8%. Two critical policychallenges need to be addressed.First, a countercyclical policyshould increase growth rate to itscurrent potential of 7%7.5% andthen structural reforms shouldraise the potential growth itself toabove 8.5% if India is to attain asize of $5 trillion by 202425.

More capital expenditureFrom the monetary side, reducingthe repo rate by a cumulated margin of 110 basis points in 2019 hasnot as yet induced a noticeablegrowth response. Complementaryfi��scal stimulus, in the form of additional public sector investment,may prove to be more eff��ective.

However, given the fi��scal defi��citconstraint, there is limited fl��exibility for increasing centre’s capitalexpenditure directly. In the 201920 budget, this is estimated to be1.6% of GDP. There may be someexpansion, if additional dividendsfrom the Reserve Bank of India(RBI) fl��ow to the government.Further, there may be some possi

ble additional disinvestment. However, care should be taken to deploy all of these additional fundsfor capital expenditure.

Normally, the prescription tomeet slowing demand is to increase government expenditure.In the current situation, there canbe an increase in government expenditure but it has to be directedtowards an increase in investmentexpenditure.

A similar eff��ort may be made byState governments and nongovernment public sector enterprises to increase capital expenditures. All these measures may alsocrowd in private investment.Thus, this fi��scal push, togetherwith the alreadyinitiated monetary stimulus, may help raise thegrowth rate.

Another area that needs immediate attention is the fi��nancial system, which must be activated tolend more.

On the structural reforms thatare needed to push the economyonto a sustained high growth path,much can be said. We will confi��neourselves to only one suggestion,on the fi��scal account. We need arelook at the Fiscal Responsibilityand Budget Management Act(FRBM) Act. The governmentshould actually move towards reducing the revenue defi��cit to zero.This can happen if the Centre focusses more on items on the Unionlist. Once this is achieved, the Central Government can be given fullfreedom over fi��scal defi��cit, as theentire defi��cit will be directed towards meeting capital expenditures. This was described as the‘golden rule’ in U.K.

C. Rangarajan is former Chairman, Prime

Minister’s Economic Advisory Council and

former Governor, Reserve Bank of India;

D.K. Srivastava is former Director, Madras

School of Economics. View are personal

Increasing investment to stimulate growthAttention needs to be paid to both cyclical and structural dimensions of India’s present economic slowdown

C. Rangarajan

& D.K.Srivastava

Late-night arrestIt won’t be anoverstatement to say thatpolitical vendetta is writlarge on the exertions madeto frame and fi��x P.Chidambaram andhumiliate him and houndhim out of the politicalrealm (Front page,“Chidambaram arrested inINX Media case after highdrama,” August 22). Whatstands exposed is that thelaw does not take its owncourse but a course thegovernment of the daywishes. Fighting corruptionselectively and episodicallyhas become a weapon topin down and ‘punish’political opponents. Thedenial of prearrest bail bythe Delhi High Court,diverging from the norm,and the refusal of theSupreme Court to give a

hearing on Mr.Chidambaram’s plea for nogood reason have inevitablymade the citizens feel thatthe Indian judiciary is notkeen on ensuring that itscitizens don’t have to suff��era loss of liberty.G. David Milton,

Maruthancode, Tamil Nadu

■ The relentless eff��orts takenby the counsel for Mr.Chidambaram to bring upthe appeal against therejection of his anticipatorybail application by the DelhiHigh Court brought to mymind a case in the MadrasHigh Court decades agowhen V. Rajagoplachari, aleading lawyer, barged intothe Court of JusticeSrinivasan, in the midst of ahearing, without even a bailapplication at about 11.30a.m. and sought bail for a

former Judge of the HighCourt who had been arrestedand was about to be takenoutside the jurisdiction ofthe Madras High Court toAligarh by the traindeparting at 12 noon. TheJudge looked at the clockand, seeing that the requestfor bail may becomeinfructuous, called theRegistrar of the High Courtand, with the remarkablepresence of mind, directed“stop the train wherever itis,” while granting bail. Thisenabled the former Judge toget his freedom and it islearnt that he was acquittedsubsequently.N.G.R. Prasad,

Chennai

Dealing with TrumpDespite India having made itclear to the Americans thatthirdparty mediation is not

welcome when it comes toresolving the Kashmir issue,it is odd that PresidentDonald Trump has againoff��ered assistance. Mr.Trump, who claims to be askilful negotiator and dealmaker because of hisbusiness experience, seemsto mistakenly believe that thesame skills can be put to usewhile solving intractableissues between sovereigncountries (Front page,“Trump: Kashmir situationcomplicated by religion,”August 22). His negotiationswith North Korean leaderKim Jongun have gonenowhere in yielding a result.For an American President,Mr. Trump betrays a rathersimple world view andlimited historicalperspective. This isevidenced by his viewing ofIndiaPakistan tensions

has attempted to portray thepresent government’spolicies as being at variancewith Vivekananda’steachings, he has overlookedthe fact that schemes likeMake In India and SansadAdarsh Gram Yojana havetheir roots in Swamiji’sphilosophy. In fact, it ismany of the yesteryearleaders who grosslyundermined the importanceof Vivekananda in givingmodern India its pluralisticand multicultural character(OpEd page, “The monkwho shaped Indiansecularism,” August 21).Finally, the 19th centuryreformer is getting therecognition he deserves inthe 21st century.Satish Reddy Kanaganti,

Nalgonda, Telangana

solely through the prism ofreligion. With the kind ofunderstanding Mr. Trumphas of Kashmir and IndiaPakistan relations in general,if Pakistani Prime MinisterImran Khan believes that theformer can be of help, he issadly mistaken.M.P. Muralidharan,

Bengaluru

Visionary monkSwami Vivekananda did playa major role in helpingIndians cultivate our ownversion of secularism.However, while talking of hiscontributions, a mentionshould also be made of theindelible mark he made inother areas like educationand foreign aff��airs. He can becredited with developing oneof the most popular weaponsof today’s India — culturaldiplomacy. While the author

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected] must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials.

Foreign investors who have been fl��eeing the coun

try since the Union budget presented early last

month have something to cheer about fi��nally. On

Wednesday, the Securities and Exchange Board of India

(SEBI), based on the recommendations of the H.R.

Khan committee, eased several regulatory restrictions

that are likely to make life easier for foreign portfolio in

vestors (FPIs). Among a slew of measures, the fi��nancial

markets regulator has simplifi��ed the registration pro

cess for FPIs by doing away with the broadbased eligi

bility criteria, which required a minimum of at least 20

investors in a foreign fund, and certain documentary

requirements. FPIs can now also engage in the off��mar

ket sale of their shares with fewer restrictions. Further,

SEBI has allowed entities registered at an international

fi��nancial services centre to be automatically classifi��ed

as FPIs. This might help foreign investors bypass some

of the restrictions. Mutual funds with off��shore funds

too can invest in India as FPIs to avail certain tax bene

fi��ts now. Central banks that are not members of the

Bank of International Settlements are also allowed to

register as FPIs and invest in the country under the new

norms. Smart cities, along with other urban develop

ment agencies, will now be allowed to issue municipal

bonds to raise funds for development. These measures

to cut red tape will help lower the regulatory burden on

investors, globalise India’s fi��nancial markets, and aid

the growth of the broader economy by increasing ac

cess to growth capital.

It is not immediately clear whether SEBI’s move on

Wednesday was motivated by the recent fl��ow of funds

out of India’s capital markets. Capital in excess of

₹��20,000 crore has left Indian shores in the last few

weeks after Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s

budget decision to increase taxes on FPIs. Policymakers

were clearly under pressure to do something to allay

the fears of foreign investors, so the timing of SEBI’s

move is no surprise. But given the broader trend of cap

ital fl��owing out of emerging markets across the world, it

remains to be seen whether SEBI’s present move will

yield immediate benefi��ts. Even if it fails to do so, the

move will still help Indian markets become more attrac

tive to foreign investors in the longrun. While the steps

taken by policymakers to make amends for their pre

vious policy errors are obviously welcome, they should

not defl��ect attention from the larger and persistent is

sue of overreach by the government against investors.

In a world of globalised capital markets, where many

nimble emerging markets compete to attract capital

from the developed world, India cannot aff��ord to be

seen as fl��ipfl��opping on its commitments.

New norms SEBI’s liberalised norms for FPIs will make

Indian markets attractive to foreign investors

External Aff��airs Minister S. Jaishankar’s statement

in Dhaka on Tuesday that the soontobepu

blished National Register of Citizens (NRC) in As

sam is India’s internal matter lets Bangladesh off�� the

hook as far as a possible return of those who don’t fi��nd

their names in the NRC is concerned. The Supreme

Court has repeatedly asked the Centre to ascertain from

Bangladesh whether it would accept those persons,

who might be declared foreigners, after the NRC exer

cise is completed in Assam. In fact, the Supreme Court

has had occasion to say that the Centre had not engaged

Bangladesh in a substantive dialogue on the issue. By

stating that the NRC is India’s internal matter, the Exter

nal Aff��airs Minister has conceded to Bangladesh a point

that Dhaka has repeatedly made — that the 40 lakhodd

people who don’t fi��gure in the draft NRC lists are not its

citizens and it is not responsible for them. In fact, Ban

gladesh has never accepted that any of its citizens ever

illegally entered Indian territory. Other than the cryptic

remark about the NRC being an internal matter for In

dia, The Daily Star newspaper quoted the Bangladeshi

Foreign Minister A.K. Abdul Momen as saying that Mr.

Jaishankar had conveyed to him not to worry about the

NRC issue. Bangladesh could well be satisfi��ed with New

Delhi’s position on the NRC, but Indians are none the

wiser about what the Centre plans to do with the lakhs

of people — Hindus and Muslims — who are likely to fi��nd

themselves missing from the Register when it is fi��nally

published on August 31.

The BJP has long promised that it will deport all ille

gally resident Bangladeshis from Assam and the rest of

India, a view that it has articulated time and again over

the years. But this position doesn’t tally with what Mr.

Jaishankar told his Bangladeshi counterpart. The party

has simultaneously promised that all nonMuslims,

whose names don’t fi��gure in the NRC, will be given citi

zenship rights by amending the law. Other than this,

there is no clarity on what the government plans to do

with the lakhs of people likely to be rendered stateless

after the NRC exercise is completed. Though these per

sons would have access to foreigners’ tribunals and the

courts of the country, the Centre and the Supreme

Court should have had a plan in place about how they

will deal with the impending humanitarian crisis in As

sam. Many of the aff��ected are abjectly poor people,

with little or no understanding of how the NRC process

works, and entered this country in the hope of a better

future for themselves and their children. It is the duty

of the Government of India and the Supreme Court to

ensure that these individuals are treated with dignity.

The government would also do well to treat all com

munities who don’t fi��gure in the NRC in a nondiscrim

inatory manner.

Internal aff��airs With Bangladesh out of the picture, the

government should clarify its post-NRC plans

EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

THE HINDU DELHI

FRIDAY, AUGUST 23, 2019 11EEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE

CMYK

A ND-NDE

OPED

Before considering how best to organise public libraries in India, it may be useful toglance at the state of aff��airs and what the Governments and the people have done in theprogressive countries of the west in this matter. In the United Kingdom we can trace thedesire of the people to have free public libraries among them on a large scale to theyear 1850 when the Parliament was made topass the fi��rst Library Act. Since then about20 other Acts came into existence and at thepresent day the development of libraries isincluded in the general schemes for the advancement of education and is guided by theAct of 1902 by which local education boardsare empowered to promote the general coordination of all forms of education including Libraries. The boroughs and parishes areauthorised to collect from the ratepayers...on the rateable value of an administrativearea — with power to fi��x a lower rate — forthe purpose of maintaining free public libraries within the limits of their respectivejurisdictions. The result is that almost everytown and village has a free public library ofits own for the use of its inhabitants. In addition to the municipal libraries, there are special acts of Parliament aff��ecting the largenumber of British libraries which are notsupported out of the rates.

A HUNDRED YEARS AGO AUGUST 23, 1919.

Library Organisation in India.meet the music composerpresented itself I alwaysgrabbed it. It has now become a joke in feature journalism circles that if thereis an event where Rahmanis expected, chances arethat he might not turn upbut I surely will.

You might have guessedby now that I’m starstruckby him. And so an incidentthat took place a few yearsago at a hotel certainlycame as a surprise — tohim, to those around him,and even to me. This wasafter the release of thesongs of his Tamil movieMersal. Post a promotionalevent, Rahman sat downfor a few interviews, including one with me. Afterwe exchanged pleasantriesand were waiting for theplace to be set up, I askedhim, “Why did you sing‘Neethane’ and not ‘Aalap-oran Thamizhan’ inMersal?”

The public relations representative in the roomfroze. Others gave me a

Interviewing celebritiescan be tricky, especially ifyou have grown up seeingthem or hearing them longbefore you decided to become a journalist.

I decided to become ajournalist when I was veryyoung, in Class 10. Yearsbefore that I had become abig fan of A.R. Rahman. Myrelatives recall how I sangand danced to ‘OttagathaiKattiko’ (Gentleman) at afamily wedding and myschool friends still rag meabout my rendition of‘Dandiya Aatamum Aada’(Kadhalar Dhinam).

All these memoriescame fl��ooding back to mewhen I fi��rst interviewedRahman more than a decade ago. I was workingwith another publicationthen. I had goosebumpsduring that interaction, butI’m not going to delve onthat now.

After that interview, anytime an opportunity to

piercing look: Was I, a journalist, questioning an Academy Award winner over acreative decision in a fi��lmstarring Vijay?

From the corner of myeye, I sensed the collectivegaze. I fumbled for wordsand hastily added, “I mean,it’s a beautiful melody. Butyour voice would haveworked for ‘Aalaporaan’. Ittalks about the pride of being a Tamilian, and whobetter than you to singthat?”

Rahman merely smiledand mumbled somethingabout how ‘Aalaporaan’was set to a pitch that wastoo high for him.

Later, a popular singerwho has sung for Rahmantold me how glad he wasthat I had given the composer my frank opinion.“People close to him always say, ‘Good song, Sir.’I’m glad you told him whatyou felt,” he said.

I was happy to hear that.The real challenge for fi��lmand entertainment journal

ists is not to write (I’vespun 800word storiesfrom fi��veminute interviews, as have many of mycolleagues) but to ignorethe excited fan in us and letthe questioning scribe takeover during interviews.

Another time, I got anopportunity to interviewactor Ajith. This was whenthe actor was still open totalking to the media. Wewere inside a restaurant atSheraton Park (now calledCrowne Plaza) in Chennaiwhen I asked him, “Wouldyou say that your choice ofdirectors has been a littleoff�� in recent times?”

Ajith was taken aback fora bit, but nevertheless answered the question withsincerity.

These two incidentswith celebrities have taughtme one journalistic lessonthat I always try to follow:diffi��cult questions need tobe asked, no matter how famous the person. And it isthose answers that makethe interview unique.

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NOIEBOOK

Questioning an Academy Award winner’s choices

No matter how famous the interviewee, diffi��cult questions need to be asked

Srinivasa Ramanujam

China’s raging trade war with theU.S., mounting criticism of its Beltand Road Initiative (BRI), and growing schism in its Politburo on handling these issues has compelled theChinese leadership to review the ininitiative. The BRI was conceived as aresponse to the vast overcapacity ininfrastructurerelated industries dueto creditfuelled growth in China in2008 following the global economicrecession, when its exports starteddwindling. In 2009, former DeputyDirector of China’s State Administration of Taxation, Xu Shanda, cameup with a proposal called the ChineseMarshall Plan which suggested thatChina should utilise its vast foreignexchange reserves, expertise inbuilding infrastructure, overcapacityin iron, cement, aluminium, glass,coal and shipbuilding industries andunemployed labour to meet the infrastructure demand in Southeast,Central Asia and Africa.

Announced by Chinese PresidentXi Jinping in September 2013, the BRIconsists of a belt of rail routes, highways, oil and gas pipelines and otherinfrastructure projects extendingfrom Xian in Central China throughCentral Asia, Russia, West Asia andEurope. There is also a branch extending from Kashgar in Xinjiang toGwadar in Balochistan via Pakistanoccupied Kashmir (PoK). The ‘road’segment comprises a network ofports and coastal infrastructurestretching from eastern China acrossSoutheast Asia and South Asia, theGulf, East Africa through the Mediterranean up to Rotterdam in Europe.

According to China, more than 120countries have signed and joined theBRI. China’s trade with these countries since 2013 has crossed morethan $5 trillion and investment hastotalled about $200 billion for 2,600projects. In the fi��rst seven months of2019, China’s trade with BRI countries was 6% higher than the growthof its global trade.

RoadblocksHowever, BRI has not succeeded inthe full utilisation of overcapacity ininfrastructure industries. China hasbeen forced to close many companies. About onethird of its projects

are failing due to several anomalies.There is no open tendering, competitive bidding or practice of an independent prefeasibility or environmental impact studies, as per globalnorms. Many projects suff��er fromlack of local inputs, protests on landprocurement, pollution, performance delays, corruption, fi��nancialviability, unsustainable debt and lowinvestment returns. The interestrates charged by China are high, upward of 3% on government loans and17%18% on commercial loans withsovereign guarantee of the local government. As many loans turn nonperforming assets, China is becoming selective in giving new loans.

Some BRI projects do not makeeconomic sense. For example, thecost of transportation by the 12,000kmlong YiwuLondon rail line will betwice more expensive than shipping.Similarly, the cost of supplying crudeoil and gas from Gwadar port to Tianjin in northeastern China via the7,000 kmlong pipeline proposed byChina will be $10 per barrel costlierthan ocean freight. Many countriessuch as the Maldives, Pakistan, SriLanka, Bangladesh and Malaysiahave asked China to restructure ordownsize the BRI projects. India hasrightly decided not to participate inBRI over concerns relating to sovereignty (the ChinaPakistan Economic Corridor passes through PoK), lackof transparency, openness, fi��nancialsustainability, high interest and the‘tied’ nature of these loans.

The real challengeAfter a chorus of international criticism, the old swagger about BRI hasfaded. President Xi promised at thesecond Belt and Road forum in Aprilthat China would ‘fi��netune’ the BRIwith open consultation, clean governance and green projects. Thegrowth of BRI is down as China’s investment in these projects in the fi��rstquarter of 2019 grew only by 4% compared to 22% in 2018. The real challenge is whether best practices canbe incorporated in BRI or it will remain only a ‘Chinese’ scheme giventhat stateowned enterprises play thelead implementing role.

Yogesh Gupta is a former Ambassador

Belt and roadblocks Given mounting criticism of BRI, will Chinaincorporate best practices in the project?

Yogesh Gupta

The Group of Congress members of Parliament, who had yesterday [Aug 21, New Delhi] urged suspension of the Prime Minister,Mrs. Indira Gandhi, and others for breach ofparty discipline, had another meeting today with added strength and set up a sevenman committee to personally contact Congress Working Committee members andplead in favour of strict disciplinary action.According to Mr. S. N. Misra, Deputy Leaderof the Congress Parliamentary Party, whopresided over the meeting, 130 M.Ps. werepresent today against 70 yesterday. TheMaharashtra Congress M.Ps. did not takepart in this move today. It is stated that several members questioned the leadership ofMrs. Gandhi and wanted the party Presidentnot to delay taking disciplinary actionagainst Mrs. Gandhi, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmedand Mr. Jagjivan Ram for working openlyagainst the party candidate in the presidential poll. Mr. N. R. Munuswamy and Mr. T. V.Anandan, from Tamil Nadu, were among thefi��ercest critics of the Prime Minister.

FIFTY YEARS AGO AUGUST 23, 1969

130 MPs want action against PM

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FROM THE ARCHIVES

Last week, Defence Minister Raj-nath Singh said that the future of In-dia’s ‘No First Use’ (NFU) policy onnuclear weapons depended on “cir-cumstances”. Mr. Singh’s statementhas raised apprehensions on thelikely revision of India’s NFU policyand nuclear doctrine. In a conver-sation moderated by Dinakar Peri,Rajesh Rajagopalan and ManpreetSethi address these concerns.Excerpts:

What does the DefenceMinister’s statement mean, anddoes it indicate a likely changein India’s NFU policy andnuclear doctrine?

Rajesh Rajagopalan: I am notsure if it is really a revision of India’sNFU policy because all he said wasthat in future the policy mightchange. That has always been thecase. The doctrine is only valid foras long as the government says it isvalid. It would be foolish to suggestthat doctrines cannot change orthat they will hold for all times andunder all circumstances. All he wassuggesting was that we cannot guarantee that the doctrine will holdfor all times.

This is possibly a signal to Pakistan that it should not take India’srestraint for granted for all times tocome, but I think even that wouldpossibly be an exaggerated readingof the statement. I think RajnathSingh’s statement is somewhat diff��erent from former Union MinisterManohar Parrikar’s statement. Hehad said at a book launch that hedoesn’t understand why we have towait until we hit back. That was a lotmore problematic even though itwas clarifi��ed subsequently that hisstatement was his personal viewrather than the government’s policy. I don’t see Mr. Singh’s statementas signifying a change in the doctrine. And obviously if we didchange the NFU policy, that wouldnot be particularly useful.

This is not the fi��rst time aMinister or senior functionaryhas made such a statement.There have been periodicdebates on a revision of India’sstand, especially on the NFUpolicy, in strategic circles.

Revision of the NFU policy wasalso in the BJP’s manifesto in2014, though it wasn’t there inits 2019 manifesto. Is all thisindicative of a change at somepoint?

Manpreet Sethi: I quite agree withhow Professor Rajagopalan has interpreted Mr. Singh’s statement. Ithink it is a very normal statement.Policy adjustments get made as situations change. I don’t see anythingin the statement that is indicative ofany desire for change as of now. Asregards the BJP manifesto that youmentioned, Prime Minister Narendra Modi made it clear that therewas not going to be any revision. Individual voices, most of whom areretired offi��cials who occupied positions of power, have brought up thisissue of revision of NFU, but theydid not mention any revision of NFUwhen they were in those positions.Late last year, on the occasion of theannouncement of the fi��rst deterrence patrol of India’s ballistic missile nuclear submarine INS Arihant,the Prime Minister once again reiterated that the basic tenet of India’snuclear doctrine will be NFU. As faras I can see, there is no change inthe doctrine on the cards. But having said that, there are always the‘Nuclearazzi’, who are out withtheir microscopes to look at everything that has been said and whoread more into statements. I thinkthat’s what is happening in the caseof India’s NFU. I do believe it’s agood policy and there’s no reasonfor the country to change it.

In the last few years, India’sconventional posture hasundergone a major shift. Thiswas evident in the 2016 surgicalstrikes and this year’s Balakotairstrike. It also disproved theold belief that under a nuclearoverhang, the room forconventional manoeuvre isclosed. In that context, isn’tstability in the nuclear realmbetter for India so that there isroom in the conventionaldomain?

RR: Absolutely. I mean obviouslywe want stability in the nuclearfront, but I don’t think that stability

was under threat. Pakistan repeatedly raises this bogey of nuclear escalation every time it engages insome action in terms of sending terrorists across. But that is a way ofconstraining India’s response, as away of preventing India from responding militarily to those kinds ofattacks. The idea is that if you raisethe issue, if you bring in nuclear escalation as a threat, it will constrainIndia’s response. It is always a falseexpectation, a false argument, because there is no direct link between conventional escalation andnuclear escalation.

In Kargil, for example, when westarted using air power to dislodgePakistan air forces from mountainheights, initially Pakistan complained about escalation. It said thiscould lead to nuclear escalation. Butpretty soon it was clear that therewas no such thing. Similarly, duringthe 2016 surgical strikes, Pakistanagain complained about the possibility of escalation. But in each ofthese cases we have not seen any escalation. There are several layers inbetween, and those layers arewhere Pakistan has benefi��ted because it can’t really escalate to something like Balakot or to surgicalstrikes.

So, yes, we want nuclear stabilityand that nuclear stability exists. It isjust an exaggeration by Pakistanthat nuclear stability is always under threat and anything we do willput it under immense strain.

Of late, we have repeatedlyshown that we can take action without it escalating anywhere close tothe nuclear level.

Talking about the escalationmatrix, the strategic ambiguitycan lead to a response fromPakistan and then in turn fromChina, India’s two nuclearadversaries. Pakistan has beentrying to put its nuclearweapons at sea. The U.S. haswalked out of the Intermediaterange Nuclear Forces treaty.How will these developmentsimpact the region?

MS: First of all, I don’t think any ambiguity has been brought into India’s doctrine as of now. I think India is very clear on its NFU policy.

On the likely Pakistan reaction,Pakistan is working on what it callsthe full spectrum deterrence capability. So, in terms of the arsenalbuildup, I don’t think there is goingto be any major change except thatit will likely show urgency or justifi��cation for the large stockpile buildup that it is anyway engaged in.More likely, removal of NFU will putIndia in a problematic situation because for a credible ‘fi��rst use’ youhave to build diff��erent kinds of capabilities which will mean going on adiff��erent trajectory. So, it is mostlikely that India will get pulled into

an arms race if it was to remove theNFU.

In terms of China’s reaction, Idon’t see any material changes happening in response to India’s capability buildup. In any case, it has alead on nuclear and delivery systems. It will defi��nitely use the opportunity to denigrate India’s statusas a responsible nuclear power. So,India’s claim to be a member of theNuclear Suppliers Group or for apermanent seat at the United Nations Security Council will come under strain as a result of that.

Frankly, as far as the response ofthe rest of the world is concerned,we are already in a situation wherearms control is crumbling: the U.S.’snuclear posture review is talkingabout limited nuclear war onceagain. The rest of the world will notcare much about this change, except at the rhetoric level wherethere will be criticism of what is going on. So, my concern is not somuch the rest of the world’s response to change in NFU, but what itwill be for India itself in terms of investment in fi��nancial and technological capabilities to make a fi��rstuse credible. After all, it’s not just aquestion of dropping the ‘No’ fromNFU, it is a matter of making the fi��rstuse credible and that is not an easyproposition. There is no chance thatIndia has of carrying out in the fi��rststrike a disarming or decapitatingstrike for the kinds of adversariesthat we have and therefore we willbe sucking ourselves into an armsrace if we were to go for a fi��rst usedoctrine.

Pakistan has been trying todiversify its nuclear arsenal formany years now and has beentrying to bridge the gapbetween conventional andnuclear. I am referring toattempts to put nuclearwarheads on conventionalsubmarines following India’snuclear triad taking shape.Does this blur the line betweenconventional and nuclear andcreate new risks?

RR: Yes, there is a problem whenyou use dualuse delivery vehiclesand weapons systems. This is theproblem we have faced in the past.Say Pakistan is holding its nuclearweapons in some airbase. We maybe constrained from attacking thatairbase because we wouldn’t want

Pakistan to mistake a conventionalattack on an airbase as an attack onits nuclear weapons. So, wheneveryou have dualuse weapons, there isa problem. There is a problem whenboth may misunderstand a particular platform, base or a submarine ascontaining nuclear weapons. Onemay be constrained from attackingthat because we don’t want to givethe impression that we are going after their nuclear weapons. On theother hand, it is an even bigger problem when Pakistan uses thesedualuse systems. If a conventionalmissile or a shortrange missile islaunched at us, we wouldn’t knowwhether it is a conventional missileor a nuclear missile and therefore itis possible that one may mistake itas an incoming nuclear attack. Evenour own armoury has both nuclearand conventional warheads, whichis generally bad practice.

In 2013, after Pakistanintroduced tactical nuclearweapons or battlefi��eld nuclearweapons, India clarifi��ed that itwill not distinguish betweenstrategic and tactical nuclearwarheads and the doctrine ofmassive retaliation will apply.Following the recent blurringof lines with dualusetechnologies, does the nucleardoctrine as it is still hold?

RR: I don’t think that makes a diff��erence. I think whatever the Indianposition, any attack would be considered a nuclear attack even if it is atactical nuclear weapon that is usedagainst Indian forces or Indian territory. It will be considered a fullscale nuclear attack. I think that theresponse to a tactical nuclear weapons attack, especially on Indianforces inside Pakistani territory, willmake it diffi��cult for India to justify afullscale massive retaliation thatthe Indian doctrine suggests. Butthe Indian doctrine is also suffi��ciently fl��exible. Massive retaliation is oneof the options it has in case of a nuclear attack. India can decide to use,for instance, another smaller nuclear warhead in retaliation or a limited nuclear strike. So, it doesn’tmean the doctrine itself has tochange in response to that. All thedoctrine says as of now is, we willnot be the fi��rst to attack and we willonly retaliate. Our posture and doctrine are essentially retaliation only.We will not initiate.

Should India tinker with its ‘No First Use’ policy? There is no reason for India to change its policy,which is retaliation and not initiation

Manpreet Sethi is a Distinguished

Fellow, Centre for

Air Power Studies

Rajesh Rajagopalanis Professor,

Jawaharlal Nehru

University

Scan the QR code tolisten o the fullinterview online

PARLEY

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<> There is no chance that

India has of carrying out in

the fi��rst strike a disarming

or decapitating strike for

the kinds of adversaries we

have and therefore we will

be sucking ourselves into

an arms race if we were to

go for a fi��rst use doctrine

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